..."Children live in states of divine consciousness and bliss ... We shouldn't be surprised when children give up on God in adolescence because the religion doesn't bear much similarity to their experience.
"If relationships are only based on Sunday churchgoing and don't have a deeper experiential level, then the children as young adults will lose the connection."
Meditation has already been tried in Catholic schools in Townsville. So successful was the pilot project that mandatory meditation classes have been introduced to all 31 schools in the diocese, and the program is being used as a model for other dioceses.
Ernie Christie, the deputy director of Townsville's Catholic Education Office, said meditation was taught as prayer three times a week from kindergarten to year 12. Sessions are accompanied by gentle music and a candle.
"It's a skilled discipline, and the earlier we get them the more they see it is a natural part of their being. Anecdotally, the feedback has been nothing but positive. The kids are calmer, more open to doing school work, and in secondary school they are asking to do meditation sessions prior to exam time....
On April 21st, activists from the Arcata People Project established an encampment on a lawn at 11th and D streets in Arcata California. According to an organizer, the protest aimed to "reclaim common spaces and create awareness about the issue of homelessness in the country and the fact that folks just don't have a place to sleep and be safe." About thirty people spent Saturday night in the encampment, sleeping in tents and under tarps.On April 25th, shortly after 6am, police raided the protest encampment. About 16 protesters sat in a circle, locking arms. A large crowd formed across the street. About 20 of those locked arms and chanted. A girl was arrested at about 8:45, when she approached the police and started talking to them. The police then began to pull protesters from the circle and drag them to a van. One handcuffed protester went into a seizure, while police held him face down on the street. The crowd was disturbed by the police conduct, leading at least one onlooker to cross the street and get arrested.As of Friday April 28th, Homeless protesters are continuing their protest on the lawn in front of The Arcata City Hall, where they intend to stay until the city gives back the property siezed by the police in Wednesday's raid.
The Social Security Administration was established in 1937 under the administration of President Franklin D. Roosevelt, it was an important part of Roosevelt’s New Deal to America; now 70 years since the system was introduced, Stewart Alexander, Candidate for President, wants to give more to an aging America.
Stewart A. Alexander for President
Peace and Freedom Party
April 29, 2007
The Social Security Administration was established in 1937 under the administration of President Franklin D. Roosevelt, it was an important part of Roosevelt’s New Deal to America; now 70 years since the system was introduced, Stewart Alexander, Candidate for President, wants to give more to an aging America.
In 2006 Stewart Alexander was running as a candidate for California lieutenant governor and part of his platform advocated doubling the California minimum wage. Now Alexander is seeking to establish a universal basic income for all seniors to guarantee a basic standard of living.
Alexander wants everyone, 50 and over, to receive a basic income that will provide for basic needs; food housing, clothing, transportation and utilities.
The present social security system will be bankrupt in 35 years, under the present management, and will not provide for America’s aging. Alexander also rejects some ideas to privatize social security because he believes it will subject the system to corporate abuse.
More and more senior Americans are being forced to work into their 70’s and 80’s just to afford food and transportation, and are having to rely on family for housing and to meet other critical needs. Alexander wants to guarantee all seniors a basic.
Many seniors receive less than $10,000 annually from social security and are without any other sources of income. The present system is forcing seniors to live at poverty levels and will leave many, nationwide, homeless and hungry.
Stewart Alexander is a candidate with the Peace and Freedom Party and the party has been an advocate for working people since 1967; when the organization was established.
Alexander says, “The platform of the Peace and Freedom Party works for working class people; the PFP demands a guaranteed dignified income for those who cannot work, and a Universal Basic Income to alleviate poverty and homelessness.”
The Peace and Freedom Party is a socialist party and have plans to mount a nationwide campaign for the 2008 elections. Presently the party is working with individuals and organization across the nation to have PFP candidates on the ballots in other states; the party is presently ballot qualified in California.
For more information search the Web for Stewart A. Alexander for President; Alexander: PFP Setting Tone for 2008.
http://www.salt-g.comstewartalexander4paf [at] ca.rr.com
Michael Hoffman delves deep into the carnal history of these islands from the Age of the Gods to the lovelands and soaplands of today
"Phallic worship is not unique to Japan, of course, but in few places is it so manifestly displayed," writes John Stevens in "The Pillow Book of Spring and Laughter: Eroticism in Meiji, Taisho and Showa Japan," published in 2001. Images from the book include: (top left) a foreign impact on Meiji Era lovemaking in the form of Western-style furniture; (top right) a scroll portraying Japan's Adam and Eve -- Izunami (left) and Izanagi; (middle left) a subtle depiction of masturbation; (middle right) erotic figurines from the Taisho Era; (bottom left) a young Meiji-Era courtesan with an older patron and fully clothed lovemaking in the late-Taisho Era; and a Taisho Era couple embracing as cherry blossoms fall about them. IMAGES COURTESY OF THE EAST PUBLICATIONS, INC. AND JOHN STEVENS, FROM THE PILLOW BOOK OF SPRING AND LAUGHTER: EROTICISM IN MEIJI, TAISHO AND SHOWA JAPAN 2001
In the beginning, there was sex.
This is true of Japan, though not of Judaeo-Christian and Islamic cultures, whose one God, the Creator of all that exists, is asexual.
Japan's myriad gods did not create heaven and earth. Rather, it was the sexual congress of heaven and earth that produced the first gods, among them Izanagi and Izanami, "the male who invites" and "the female who invites." The eighth-century "Nihon Shoki (Chronicles of Japan)" tells us what happened next:
"Izanagi and Izanami stood on the floating bridge of Heaven, and held counsel together, saying: 'Is there not a country beneath?' Thereupon they thrust down the jewel-spear of Heaven, and, groping about, therewith found the ocean. The brine which dripped from the point of the spear coagulated and became an island which received the name Ono-goro-jima.''
The creation of Japan had begun.
"The two Deities thereupon descended and dwelt in this island. Accordingly they wished to become husband and wife together, and to produce countries.''
A charming account of their courtship follows, in which the god and goddess shyly discover each other's sexual parts and Izanagi declares:
"I wish to unite this source-place of my body to the source-place of thy body.''
Their first offspring were islands; then came a profusion of gods and goddesses, one of whom was Amaterasu, the sun goddess. At one point, outraged by the depredations of her unruly brother the storm god, Amaterasu withdrew to "the rock cave of heaven." Darkness descended -- and might have proved everlasting, had a deity called the Dread Female of Heaven not had a saving inspiration. Reciting prayers, she danced a lewd dance, causing such rollicking laughter among the assembled gods and goddesses that Amaterasu could not resist peeking from her cave to see what was going on. Seized and hauled out, she shone once more upon the world, reanimating it and becoming, in the fullness of time, the ancestress of Japan's Imperial family. As for the storm god, his punishment was fitting: he was banished to the Land of Darkness.
* * * * *
Japanese poetry begins with Japanese civilization, and it touches greatness at the very outset.
The "Manyoshu (Collection of Ten Thousand Leaves)" was compiled in the eighth century, but its earliest poems date back to the fifth. The love poems take your breath away. More striking even than their beauty is how familiar the emotions seem, how closely they approach the romantic ideals of our own time. One man loves one woman, from whom parting brings unrelieved, unrelievable sorrow:
"My wife, of this world, has left me, Gone I know not whither! So here, on the sleeves of these clothes She used to have me wear, I sleep now all alone!''
There are enough other "Manyoshu" poems in the same vein to suggest a current of feeling that soon ebbed, not to resurface until the modernizing Meiji government (1868-1912) strove to steer Japan onto the narrow path of "advanced" -- that is, Western -- civilization and morality.
Herald of the promiscuity that broke the "Manyoshu" mold and set the tone for 1,000 years to come is the nobleman-poet Ariwara no Narihira (823-880), author and hero of the "Tales of Ise."
These poem-studded little tales -- 125 of them altogether -- chronicle the adventures of a man for whom indiscriminate love is synonymous with life itself. Not one to take no for an answer, he also, to his credit, does not give no for an answer, not even when the woman pursuing him is "someone a year short of a centenarian, hair disheveled and white."
"It is a general rule in this world," comments the narrator dryly, "that men love some women but not others. Narihira did not make such distinctions."
* * * * *
Some say the court lady Murasaki Shikibu (973?-1025?) was thinking of Narihira when she conceived the hero of her "Tale of Genji." The world's first great novel explores literature's greatest theme -- love; but what are we to make of the erotic world it opens to our astonished gaze?
Sheer revulsion has been one response down the ages -- from a fragmentary 13th-century Japanese Buddhist text maliciously picturing the author suffering in hell "for leading people's hearts astray," to the 1949 fulminations of Scottish historian James Murdoch, damning the aristocracy of Heian Japan (794-1185) as "an ever-pullulating brood of greedy, needy, frivolous dilettanti -- as often as not foully licentious, utterly effeminate . . . but withal the polished exponents of high breeding and correct 'form' . . . "
"Foully licentious?" That draws smiles today when, sexually speaking, pretty much anything goes, and certainly so crude a description does scant justice to one of world history's most aesthetic civilizations -- and yet so utterly different is the Heian setting, so foreign to us are its standards of good and bad behavior, that Murdoch's distaste, though comic, is not altogether incomprehensible.
Genji's first true love is his stepmother. It is her alleged resemblance to the mother he lost in infancy that draws him so irresistibly. Their union produces a child who in later years, as the presumed son and heir of Genji's imperial father, ascends the throne. Physical resemblance, and the replacement of one love object by another based on it, are recurring themes throughout the tale, suggesting that our own views regarding the unique and immutable individuality of each person are not to be taken for granted.
The same twin themes are at play when Genji first sets eyes on the child Murasaki, destined to be the most enduring of all his loves.
She is barely 10 at the time, but her resemblance to his stepmother -- her aunt, as it happens -- arouses such longing in Genji as to justify the most extreme measures. To us, his making off with her is apt to seem scarcely distinguishable from kidnapping, and his first bedding of her dangerously close to rape. And yet neither action dims Genji's luster among those who know what he is up to, or earns him the slightest disapproval, beyond a spell of sulkiness from the girl, who soon gets over it. (Later, it is true, when Genji attempts to seduce a young lady under his protection, who is thought, mistakenly, to be his daughter, he is said even by his admirers to have gone too far.)
Is sexual morality so indeterminate? Our own age says yes and behaves accordingly, disparaging restraint and, for the most part, withholding judgment. But one would think at least that the purely physical parameters of intimacy would be, however variegated, at least finite.
Heian mores challenge that assumption too. Sometimes, in "The Tale of Genji" and other literature of the period, the sexual preliminaries are so bewilderingly different from anything we know, that we can't help wondering if they lead to the familiar culmination. If Murdoch read Murasaki Shikibu's diary, the one passage in it that might have shocked him, at least in the sense of giving him pause, is the very opposite of foully licentious. "Unforgettably horrible," she writes, "is the naked body. It really does not have the slightest charm."
The practice of displaying prostitutes behind gratings, or harimise, is shown in a brothel district in 1915 (above). Spectators have some fun on wooden willies at a fertility festival in 2001 (middle); a giant phallus is carried in a parade (bottom left); and daikon radishes carved into phalli are auctioned (bottom right). PHOTOS COURTESY OF KUBO SHOTEN, TOKYO, FROM KINSEI KINDAI 150 NEN SEIFUZOKU ZUSHI BY TETSU TAKAHASHI (above)/ANDREW KERSHAW
Nakedness never appears, nor is it even hinted at, in her tale. Clothing is voluminous, the women swathed in layer upon layer -- up to 12 -- of heavy, color-coordinated silk kimono robes. Add to that the unlighted gloom of even daytime indoor settings, the thick curtains screening (until breached) a maiden from her wooer, the absolute lack of personal privacy, the conventional restraints upon women's movement beyond the four walls of home ("Ghosts and girls are best unseen," went a popular proverb of the day), and you have an erotic picture strangely lacking in something so natural to us that its absence seems unnatural: visual stimulation.
Lovers are aroused instead by an exchange of vaguely suggestive poetry, the sight through a gap in the curtains of a disembodied kimono sleeve, a nuanced stroke of calligraphy on well-chosen, perfumed paper attached to an appropriate blossom -- in short, by provocations that would be utterly lost on most of us today. Not copulation but the subsequent sight, permissible at last, of the face of one's beloved is the climax of Heian courtship. A premature or illicit glimpse prefigures disaster, the cosmos turned upside down.
"Seeing," says Cambridge University Japan studies professor Richard Bowring in his study of the tale, "in Heian literature is always a form of possession" -- of the demonic variety.
* * * * *
Legend, spuriously, gives prostitution in Japan a royal origin. Asobi, derived from the verb "to play," were professional musical and sexual entertainers -- spiritual descendants, it may be, of the Dread Female of Heaven -- who, "by the end of the 10th century," writes Janet Goodwin in a new study titled "Selling Songs and Smiles," " . . . had developed their distinctive practice of using small boats to stage entertainments for men at ports [near present-day Osaka] on the Yodo River . . . " -- a fresh twist to the modern Japanese sex-trade euphemism "water trade."
The legend is that the first asobi were eight princesses dispatched to the various regions by the ninth-century Emperor Koko. A more plausible theory, says Goodwin, has their role evolving from that of female shamans. Either way, "Their voices halt the clouds . . . ," wrote the 12th-century courtier-poet Oe Masafusa, "and their tones drift with the wind blowing over the water. Passersby cannot help but forget their families . . . "
Genji himself seems to have had no truck with asobi, but Goodwin has unearthed numerous contemporary literary references to them.
"The younger women melt men's hearts with rouge and powder and songs and smiles," wrote one Oe Yukitoki in the late 10th century, "while the older women give themselves the jobs of carrying the parasols and poling the boats. If there are husbands, they censure their wives because their lovers are too few. If there are parents, they wish only that their daughters were fortunate enough to be summoned by many customers. This has become the custom, although no human feeling is involved."
It must have been an intoxicating experience indeed that inspired the 11th-century courtier Fujiwara Akihira to compose this description, fictional but realistic, of a particularly accomplished asobi: "Her vigor in soliciting lovers, her knowledge of all the sexual positions, the merits of her lute strings and buds of wheat [female genitalia], and her mastery of the dragon's flutter and tiger's tread techniques -- all are her endowments . . . "
But intense pleasure always, everywhere, calls forth second thoughts: "Alas!" Akihira concludes. "Even though she may spend her youth selling her body, how will she pass her remaining days when her beauty fades?"
It was during the succeeding Kamakura Period (1192-1333), writes Goodwin, that the prime venue for sexual commerce began shifting from boats to inns. Another change, too, accompanied the transition from soft Heian aestheticism to the martial ways of Kamakura. Sex became subject to stern government regulation, partly at least because the murderous wrath of cuckolded husbands, in sharp contrast to their brooding, tearful Heian predecessors, was a threat to social order. The tide turned in favor of standards of sexual conduct that moralists closer to our own day would recognize and approve.
It was not to last.
* * * * *
In 1715, the Shinto priest Masuho Zanko wrote a book titled "A Comprehensive Mirror on the Way of Love."
"Sexual activity between couples," he wrote, "is part of yin and yang harmony, which is the primordial and sustaining energy of the cosmos." Moreover, "Man and woman make a pair; there are no grades of high and low." Sex is sacred. Lovers re-enact the divine creativity of Izanagi and Izanami. The act of love celebrates Japan's sexual origins.
Masuho's "mirror" reflected, of course, the mythical past, not the actual present. Men, women and the nation itself had long since fallen from the grace of innocent, unspoiled love. Foreign doctrines -- Chinese Confucianism, Indian Buddhism -- had come between the people and their native gods, with results that were plain for all to see. The natural equality of men and women had splintered. Confucian hierarchy identified man with heaven, woman with earth. Man ruled, woman obeyed. Sexual pleasure vacated the marriage bed for the government-licensed pleasure quarters.
"Women are messengers from hell," said a Buddhist sutra. Perhaps so -- but in the "floating world" of the pleasure quarters, if not at home, men were too dazzled and distracted to care.
The first licensed quarter was the Shimabara in Kyoto, built in 1589 on orders from Toyotomi Hideyoshi, the ruling warlord of the day. It became the model for the "politically backed institutional segregation of nonreproductive sex," as University of Kansas religious studies professor William Lindsey puts it. The Tokugawa shoguns of the Edo Period (1603-1867) designated 24 quarters throughout the country -- walled, moated, "glittering island[s] of style and panache," says Lindsey, "in the dreary, gray seas of Confucian social order."
"Once upon a time a hitherto unknown itch attacked Hyotaro, the Gourd Boy, and he began frequenting the pleasure houses of Shimabara." So we read in "Tales of the Floating World," written in 1666 by a samurai-turned-priest named Asai Ryoi. In the arms of courtesans, Hyotaro "became so intoxicated with joy as to think less of his own life than of dirt. And all the while he was being fawned on and flattered by the hired jesters . . . "
His elder brothers took him to task; he was squandering the family fortune. They gave him a stern talking-to: "By her nature, a courtesan is a woman who attends herself well, dresses up and adorns herself, and so is quite alluring . . . Her charming willowy tresses, her face lovely as a cherry blossom . . . And how lovely when she moves, swaying back and forth; truly she could easily be mistaken for the living incarnation of Amida Buddha! . . . And the thankfulness you feel just to hear the sound of her voice! What great priest could bestow on you words of enlightenment equal to this? . . . When compared with this creature, a man's wife can hardly seem more than a salted fish long past its prime!"
Only ruin can come from such exquisite pleasure, they warned.
"Truly," replied Hyotaro, "I am most grateful for your kind advice. Henceforth, I will not go there anymore."
If the elders took this at face value, that's their problem. As for Hyotaro, he "ended up as yet another of those thread-bare bums, to the tune of the samisen's 'te-tsuru-ten!' ''
* * * * *
There is a recklessness, a desperation in Hyotaro's pursuit of pleasure which is characteristic of the time. He is an early exponent of what came to be known as chonin-do (the way of the townspeople), in contrast to bushido (the way of the warrior). In the 17th century the townsman, the merchant, came into his own, and his quest -- in defiance of a prevailing moral code whose only acknowledgment of the free individual self was in its relentless exhortations to self-abasement, self-restraint and self-sacrifice -- was the search for happiness in love.
"Indeed," writes Wm. Theodore de Bary, introducing a collection of stories by the great novelist and connoisseur of love Iharu Saikaku (1642-93), "this pursuit, so taken for granted in our part of the world today, was almost revolutionary in its implications for a society which had long lived as though in a graveyard, overcast by the seemingly endless tragedy of war . . . "
Saikaku's ideal lover, Yonosuke, reminds us more of Narihira than of Genji. His prime haunts were the licensed quarters, large and small, elegant and shabby, from one end of the country to the other. By the age of 54 he had slept with 3,742 women and 725 men. Nor was he done; far from it. We leave him at 60, bound for the mythical Island of Women, his boat stocked with, among other stores, "20 crates of Women Delighter Pills, . . . 250 pairs of metal masturbation balls for women, . . . 600 latticed penis attachments, 2,550 water-buffalo-horn dildos, . . . 200 erotic prints . . . " -- and so on.
Yonosuke is unusual among Edo Japan's heroic lovers, fictional and actual, in the happy-ever-after ending Saikaku gives him. A more typical love story -- a true one, subsequently fictionalized by Saikaku -- involves a 15-year-old maiden named Oshichi, who was executed in Edo in 1682. Her neighborhood having been destroyed by fire, she and her family found refuge at a temple, where she met and fell in love with a temple page named Ikuta Shonosuke. When the family home was rebuilt, the lovers were unable to meet. The poor distracted girl hatched a feverish plan. Fire had brought the lovers together once; wouldn't another fire reunite them? She set the fire, was caught in the act, and punished according to the letter of the law -- that is, she was paraded through the streets of Edo and then, in company with five other arsonists, burned at the stake. "It would appear," notes historian Richard Lane, "that the crime of arson was very much in vogue at the time."
A generation later another vogue arose -- the love suicide. Of this, the playwright Chikamatsu Monzaemon (1653-1725) is both chronicler and -- such was the power of his drama -- instigator. His puppet plays, like Saikaku's stories, were based on actual incidents. The one that inspired his "Love Suicides at Sonezaki" had occurred only a month before the play was first staged in 1703.
The Osaka soy-sauce merchant Tokubei and the courtesan Ohatsu are deeply in love, but it is hopeless; she is under contract to her bordello, and Tokubei lacks the money to ransom her. There is only one solution: death. "Did our promises of love," sobs Ohatsu, "hold only for this world?"
The pair flee in the dead of night to the Sonezaki Forest outside Osaka: "Farewell to this world, and to the night farewell."
"They embrace, flesh to flesh," chants the narrator, "then fall to the ground and weep -- how pitiful they are! Their strings of tears unite like entwining branches . . . a symbol of eternal love. Here the dew of their unhappy lives will at last settle."
Tokubei cuts first Ohatsu's throat, then his own.
* * * * *
In 1872 there occurred an incident that profoundly embarrassed the new modernizing Meiji government. A Peruvian ship landed at Yokohama with 230 Chinese indentured laborers. When one of the laborers staged a dramatic escape bid, the government -- "eager," as Princeton University modern Japanese history professor Sheldon Garon remarks, "to demonstrate Japan's 'civilized' status to the Western powers, . . . detained the ship and ordered that the hapless passengers be returned to China. Peru's savvy minister to Japan protested. Because Japanese law permitted the sale of women and children into prostitution, he observed, traffic in human beings was perfectly legal. The Japanese court dismissed his claim, but the embarrassing nature of the incident persuaded an influential group of self-described 'enlightened' bureaucrats that the entire system of regulated prostitution should be eliminated."
That was not to happen until 1946. The number of licensed prostitutes peaked in 1916 at 54,049, Garon's research indicates, and remained, even as proliferating factories offered alternative employment, at around 50,000 well into the 1930s.
The system had energetic defenders. "To Japanese officials, "says Garon, "tightly regulated and segregated vice districts served as a 'breakwater' or 'public latrine,' protecting society and the 'daughters of good families' from foulness."
He quotes Prime Minister Hirobumi Ito explaining to an English reporter in 1896 that the Japanese prostitute (unlike, presumably, her Western counterpart) was motivated by the most exalted Confucian sentiment of all, filial piety -- "a lofty desire to help her poor parents or relations." In fact, no other motive would do for the Home Ministry, whose "standardized registration procedures," says Garon, "effectively screened out any woman who personally desired to be a prostitute."
* * * * *
Much of what has shocked Western observers of Japanese sexuality through the ages boils down to a simple but crucial cultural difference: the Christian West traditionally idealized virginity; Japan idealized sex. Compare the Italian poet Dante's first awestruck glimpse of the 9-year-old Beatrice with Genji's of the child Murasaki. To Dante (1265-1321), Beatrice "seemed not the daughter of a mortal man but of God." That fleeting glimpse was enough -- he was accorded little else -- to set him on a lifelong course of ethereal, unconsummated love, culminating in the ascent to Paradise recorded in "The Divine Comedy." Genji's more earthly path we have already seen.
Symbolic of how large sex looms in the Japanese view of life is what John Stevens, in "The Pillow Book of Spring and Laughter," calls "the gross exaggeration of the sex organs in Japanese erotic art. The most obvious [explanation]," he suggests, "is that sexual union is the biggest event in life!"
The biggest, maybe; the most puzzling, certainly. Freed from Confucian constraint, Buddhist distortion and official manipulation, liberated at last from the crushing poverty that once drove parents to sell their daughters to the licensed quarters, what was to prevent sex from recovering its innocence and becoming what it so rarely is -- simple, healthy, natural, loving and happy?
It was not to be. Prostitution for survival has given way to prostitution for brand-name fashion accessories. Pleasure quarters have yielded to garish love hotels and fuzoku -- the modern erotic-entertainment network of host clubs, hostess clubs, imekura image clubs, terekura telephone clubs, kyabakura cabaret clubs, "delivery health" call-girl services, lovelands, soaplands, Internet virtual-sex sites, Internet deaikei encounter sites, and so on and so on -- an endless array of game-center-like "sexy services" whose combined annual turnover, the biweekly magazine Dacapo estimates, is 2.3 trillion yen. Perhaps when official and corporate Japan accords women their due respect as professionals, commercial sex will cease to draw them with remuneration an "office lady" can only dream if.
Ironically enough, what all this frenzied activity points to is not a vigorous national sex life but, on the contrary, a waning one -- children, perhaps, the sad exceptions. "My impression," gynecologist Tsuneo Akaeda told the weekly magazine Spa! in 2002, "is that 30 percent of junior high school students have had a sexual experience by the time they graduate" at age 15.
Akaeda offers free weekly health consultations in Tokyo's Roppongi entertainment district. "Kids," he warns "are having sex before they know much about it."
As for adults who do know about it, they soon get their fill, a lethargy reflected in the rock-bottom birth rate. In March the Health, Welfare and Labor Ministry released a survey showing that 34.6 percent of married couples have not had sex in at least a month, confirming a trend noted in 2005 by the weekly magazine Shukan Bunshun, which described 55.2 percent of married couples over 40 as "sexless" -- meaning they engage in sexual relations less frequently than once a month.
Izanagi and Izanami would be struck dumb.
Michael Hoffman is the author of "Nectar Fragments" (Authorhouse; 2006). His Web site is www.michaelhoffman.squarespace.com
*
Related:
http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/fd20070429t3.html
Underground sex parties rampant
A popular buzzword on the Internet these days is the Japanese phrase for "orgy party" -- Google the term ranko party and you'll come up with hundreds of thousands of hits.
...
{thanks to Toni for the link]
Impeach protests coordinator hopes 'Republicans can see which way the wind is blowing' Michael Roston - Published: Saturday April 28, 2007 This Saturday, April 28 will mark a national day of action as people gather around the country to show their support for the impeachment of President George W. Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney."The elections last November were in many ways a referendum on the war, and the American people clearly think it's a disaster and should be stopped," said Jacob Park, the National Coordinator of A28.org , explaining what is motivating tomorrow's day of action. "The Democrats have been talking tough but so far haven't changed anything on the ground. I think Americans are increasingly impatient for them to call the administration's bluff and start wielding their newfound power in a way that has real consequences."Park's group is helping coordinate activities around the country to promote the initiation of impeachment proceedings against the Bush White House. Some of the major activities include:* Miami: An 'unwelcoming party' to greet George Bush, who will be delivering the commencement address at Miami Dade College.* San Francisco: Protesters will spell out 'IMPEACH' in a 'human mural' at Ocean Beach, followed by a march to a rally at Democratic Speaker Nancy Pelosi's house.* San Diego: Introduction of an impeachment resolution at the California Democratic Convention, coinciding with a rally at Martin Luther King Park, and a human mural at a nearby beach. * New York: A human mural at Coney Island organized by mothers with sons who served in Iraq, an Impeachment Festival in Central Park, and Impeachment "laser graffiti" in Brooklyn.* Washington, D.C.: A human mural and picnic at the foot of the Washington monument.* Boston: A town crier will read articles of impeachment at Faneuil Hall.* 'ImpeachPlanes' will tow banners over New York City, Los Angeles, Trenton, Atlanta, St. Petersburg, the New Orleans Jazzfest, and the Coachella music festival.Zeroing in on the San Diego efforts, where Speaker Pelosi will be delivering a Saturday night dinner address, Park slammed the California's stated opposition to impeaching Bush or Cheney."It's not a question of what 'George Bush' is worth." he said. "To shrug off the enormous crimes that have been committed by this administration, and to shirk the power that she now has to seek a modicum of justice, is a deeply immoral act."Park also held out hope that Republicans would be persuaded to sign on with the message that his group and others were promoting. "The Republicans can see which way the wind is blowing, and know that these two have nothing to offer them except associations with a disastrous and deeply unpopular war. The problem is, they all supported it," he argued. "Bush and Cheney could be the ultimate fall guys for their collective misdeeds."LINK
When someone quotes the old poetic image
about clouds gradually uncovering the moon,
slowly loosen knot by knot the strings
of your robe.
Like this.
~Rumi
. . .
Now, looking back, I have identified the nine steps I lived through to be living by the principles of The Secret.1. I gained awareness that my life was at the abyss.2. I broke through denials – recognized I was the reason.3. I took responsibility for all of my words, actions, and behaviors.4. I learned how to control my mind and end the negative, self-limiting dialogue.5. I understood the source of my fears and consequences of believing in them.6. I looked at new, positive perspectives of my life and forgave myself.7. I learned how to be present, to live in the moment and appreciate what I had.8. I created a new vision for my future, consciously choosing positive values to honor.9. I reaffirmed my absolute belief in myself, and become grateful.10. I made an action plan, living each day with the intention of succeeding.
This is a small but indispensable volume for anyone seriously interested in social change, and who sooner or later may have to consider the place of violence in the general scheme of things.
As the title implies, and wasting little time in preparing the audience for what will surely be a disturbing argument to many, the author lays out his case against white progressives—or, to be precise, the liberal/social democratic complacent legions of mostly well-educated middle and upper middle class activists—who are deemed "delusional" not only in the ineffectual tactics and strategies they pursue (which the ruling elites are only too happy to accommodate as per a well-scripted minuet), but in the belief that they are actually performing revolutionary acts...
The crux of Churchill's argument—pretty hard to refute—is that mainstream liberals, and a sizeable contingent of self-defined "Leftists" (read here mostly social democrats) will do anything except assume actual risk in opposing the system...and that, being mostly interested in practicing "comfort zone" politics, they will almost invariably indulge in essentially worthless "cathartic" posturizing instead of solid opposition, all the while vociferously denouncing and browbeating those who would dare suggest more confrontational tactics, including general strikes, active resistance, and so on. Thus the core of his polemic comprises two arguments: (1) That American pacifism has insinuated itself as the only and pre-eminent choice for social change and for oppositional strategies to the empire, and (2) that such a strategy invariably leads to the cul-de-sac of liberalism:
"American pacifism seeks to project itself as a revolutionary alternative to the status quo. Of course, such a movement or perspective can hardly acknowledge that its track record in forcing substantive change upon the state has been an approximate zero. [Hence]...a chronicle of significant success must be offered, even where none exists.<...> For proponents of the hegemony of nonviolent political action within the American opposition, time-honored fables such as the success of Gandhi's methods (in and of themselves) and even the legacy of Martin Luther King no longer retain the freshness and vitality required to achieve the necessary result, As this has become increasingly apparent, and as the potential to bring a number of emergently dissident elements (.e.g., "freezers," antinukers, environmentalists, opponents to saber-rattling in Central America and the Mideast, and so on) into some sort of centralized mass movement became greater in the mid-80s, a freshly packaged pacifist "history" of its role in opposing the Vietnam war began to be peddled with escalating frequency and insistence." (pp 65-6)
Seeking to drive a stake through the heart of middle-class pacifism, Churchill goes on to detail (and rebuke) some of the main claims made by the peaceful legions, particularly the almost universally accepted notion that it was the protests and demonstrations in the US that finally forced US policymakers to order a withdrawal from Vietnam. Churchill refutes this conceit by noting that the war was lost in the field, which is undeniable, as the humiliating images of Americans escaping Saigon from the rooftop of the US embassy amply demonstrated, and that, therefore it was first and above all a military defeat inflicted on the imperial armies (and their puppets) by the Vietnamese people that created the necessary conditions for a "pragmatic rethinking of the war" by its architects back in the imperial capital. Haven't we seen this terrible movie before?
The reason for the book thus lies in the utterly deformed political landscape presented by contemporary America, where the left, unlike any other in the developed capitalist world (except for the Anglo-cultural zone nations that resemble it) has apparently adopted pacifism as the one and only method of "opposing" the empire. Consistent with the pervasiveness of this view, and to justify such narrow policy, many US progressives have embraced a literal idolatry of nonviolence, elevating the tactics and accomplishments of figures such as Ghandi and Dr. King to near infallibility, and believing (wrongly in the eyes of the author and this writer) that moral suasion alone is capable of liquidating well-entrenched institutionalized violence and inequality. Churchill believes that such extrapolations between entirely different cultures and historical epochs are wrong, ab principio, since they fail to take account of the role played by defensive and revolutionary violence in history—"the people in arms"—in both protecting the masses and their leaders from the establishment's repression, or in securing its prompt departure from the scene once the tipping point has been reached.
That nonviolence is not a formula to be applied in a robotic absolutistic fashion is abundantly borne out by events in the last 50 years. The Iranian revolution (1979) was far from a nonviolent process: the Shah had been opposed for decades by above ground and underground groups, several of which practiced armed struggle and paid a horrific price for it, while the last month of his rule saw masses of people in most Iranian cities, but especially Tehran, literally storming strong points and tanks in the streets with their bare chests and being mowed down...until more and more soldiers simply gave up and melted away or switched sides. As for the collapse of the USSR (1991), Poland and most of the so-called "Eastern Bloc"—that came about as a result of complex processes that did not involve invested CLASS PRIVILEGES (as we have in the US and in other corporate-dominated nations), were set in motion by members of the ruling stratum itself (i.e., Gorbachev) and therefore did not necessitate huge and protracted armed struggles to resolve. An analogous process took place in China where the Maoism —regardless of flaws—was betrayed and overthrown from within, only to be replaced by an authoritarian-capitalist nation where the formal restoration of capitalism—for reasons of regime legitimation—continues to be denied.
As for South Africa, the end of apartheid did not issue from a nonviolent process. Decades-long protests against the fascist legislation escalated until 1958 when the tragedy of Sharpeville occurred. Soon thereafter the government tried to suppress opposition through the sledgehammer approach of bannings and systematic "targeted repression". The first to be hit were the ANC and the PAC, but such bannings merely caused the organisations to go underground and become even more militant. The "armed struggle" therefore began in earnest in 1958 and by 1970 was beginning to affect the South African economy as greater and greater manpower was required to maintain an ever increasing army. Thus, Mandela's organization, the ANC had both a civil and a military arm, even if the latter developed only after all roads to a peaceful elimination of Apartheid had proved futile, and long after the beneficiaries of the status quo had demonstrated through unrelenting savagery that only armed struggle would move history forward. The case of South Africa is of course far from unique. Other nations in sub-Sahara Africa also practiced armed insurgency to attain independence or “regime change" and they included Kenya, Uganda, Zimbabwe, Namibia, Angola and Mozambique.
Liberal illusions, liberal complicities
It's not an accident that from time to time certain "apostles of change" are anointed by the corporate media and recognized as such by the affluent liberal brigades. Of late, the much revered Arundhati Roy seems to have come to occupy this position in the pantheon, a fact that has afforded her the bullhorn to make some pretty seductive statements. I do not doubt for a minute that she means well, but I think she got it egregiously wrong in her brave iconic speech in New York, where she adduced "that there is no way to defeat the Empire by force and that its component parts must be isolated and paralyzed one by one."
Sounds eminently sensible, until we examine the idea up close, and realize that it also contains, in practice, a glaring contradiction. For how does Ms. Roy and her well-heeled admirers propose to paralyze the vital "component parts" of the most heavily armed, cynical, and ruthless class privilege system in history without some form of REAL confrontation? With 2-hour candlelight vigils and some symbolic arrests which, by the way, may or may not be reported by the corporate-owned media? If THAT were all that was required to get rid of an immoral, deeply rooted capitalist system, a Nazi terror regime, a vicious landowning oligarchy in El Salvador, and so on, humanity would have moved past these filthy horrors decades if not centuries ago. As Churchill points out in his book, Nazi Germany was defeated by the massive application of force; the racist American South was similarly juridically defeated in the 1860s by massive military force, by organized all-out violence, (I say juridically because in practice it took 100 more years of struggle that saw innumerable crimes before African Americans could begin to take their rightful place among their fellow citizens)...Fact is, there is not a single case in history where a deeply entrenched system of colonial, class or racial exploitation was overthrown by moral suasion and symbolic protests alone...If real change came about it was because force, serious disturbances, were being applied somewhere else alongside the nonviolent tracks...That's the point that Churchill and others are making in this book. It's a discomfiting point, but I'm afraid it's a point that can't be ignored.
Indeed, one of the things that make this volume especially provocative (and valuable) is that the question of violence vs. nonviolence is not only debated by Churchill, an academic, but also by Ed Mead, who wrote the book's introduction, and who was himself a participant in what was at the time an attempt at armed struggle.
Edward Allen Mead was one of the young political activists of the 1960s and 1970s whose frustration and rage drove them to resort to violence. He joined the George Jackson Brigade, a guerrilla group that blew up supermarkets, car dealerships, a power station, and other symbols of the system it was bent on destroying. To finance its operations, the Brigade robbed banks. A 1976 bank robbery in Tukwila, Washington, culminated in a shootout in which Mead and another Brigade member were captured. A third member was killed, and a fourth escaped but was later apprehended. Mead received a thirty-year Federal sentence for bank robbery and a forty-year state sentence for first-degree assault on a police officer, though neither of the officers in the shootout was hit.
Mead never abandoned his radical politics, but he did decide that violence was not the way to bring about change at that particular juncture. With the benefit of hindsight he told a reporter for the Seattle Post-Intelligencer, "I really know how wrong it was to do what I did. Not because it's legally wrong, but because it was just a great political mistake. You want things to happen so bad that you throw yourself into it. Today, I do it with a pen and a computer. . . .It's about what works."
While time may have mellowed Mead a bit, he remains quite lucid (and some would say adamant) about the options facing the younger generations of would-be world-changers.
"I think that we can agree that the exploited are everywhere and that they are angry. The question of violence and our own direct experience of it is something we will not be able to avoid when the righteous rage of the oppressed manifests itself in increasingly focused and violent forms [this was said in 1997]. When this time comes, it is likely that white pacifists will be the ruling class' first line of defense."
Later, zeroing in on his main contention, that the use or non-use of violence is a tactic, not a rigid article of faith good for all seasons, Mead declares:
"I have talked about violence in connection with political struggle for a long time and I've engaged in it. I see myself as one who incorrectly applied the tool of revolutionary violence during a period when its use was not appropriate. In doing so, my associates and I paid a terrible price...I served nearly two decades behind bars as a result of armed actions conducted by the George Jackson Brigade. During those years I studied and restudied the mechanics and applicability of both violence and nonviolence to political struggle. I've had plenty of time to learn how to step back and take a look at the larger picture. And, however badly I may represent that picture today, I still find one conclusion inescapable: Pacifism as a strategy of achieving social, political and economic change can only lead to the dead end of liberalism."
Reflecting the difficulties implied in choosing violence or nonviolence, and if so, when, George Jackson himself had this to say about Martin Luther King's pacifism:
"M.L.K. organized his thoughts much in the same manner as you have organized yours. If you really knew and fully understood his platform you would never have expressed such sentiments as you did in your last letter. I am sure you are acquainted with the fact that he was opposed to violence and war; he was indeed a devout pacifist. It is very odd, almost unbelievable, that so violent and tumultuous a setting as this can still produce such men. He was out of place, out of season, too naive, too innocent, too cultured, too civil for these times. That is why his end was so predictable.
Violence in its various forms he opposed, but this did not mean that he was passive. He knew that nature allows no such imbalances to exist for long. He was perceptive enough to see that the men of color across the world were on the march and their example would soon influence those in the U.S. to also stand up and stop trembling. So he attempted to direct the emotions and the movement in general along lines that he thought best suited to our unique situation: nonviolent civil disobedience, political and economic in character. I was beginning to warm somewhat to him because of his new ideas concerning U.S. foreign wars against colored peoples. I am certain that he was sincere in his stated purpose to 'feed the hungry, clothe the naked, comfort those in prisons, and trying to love somebody'. I really never disliked him as a man. As a man I accorded him the respect that he sincerely deserved.
It is just as a leader of black thought that I disagreed with him. The concept of nonviolence is a false ideal. It presupposes the existence of compassion and a sense of justice on the part of one's adversary. When this adversary has everything to lose and nothing to gain by exercising justice and compassion, his reaction can only be negative.
The symbol of the male here in North America has always been the gun, the knife, the club. Violence is extolled at every exchange: the TV, the motion pictures, the best-seller lists. The newspapers that sell best are those that carry the boldest, bloodiest headlines and most sports coverage. To die for king and country is to die a hero.
The Kings, Wilkinses and Youngs exhort us in King's words to 'put away the knives, put away your arms and clothe yourselves in the breastplate of righteousness' and 'turn the other cheek to prove our capacity to endure, to love'. Well, that is good for them perhaps but I most certainly need both sides of my head."
Social change does not come cheap. Social change—real social change— is not a tidy affair, a "black-tie dinner" as Mao suggested, and yes, at this stage of our moral evolution as a species, power still issues from the barrel of the gun. In the process things get messy, they get out of hand, awful mistakes are made on all sides, and eventually, if humanity is lucky, a good outcome claws its way to the surface —the result of irrepressible forces clashing in millions of places at once, and acting out their contradictions until a new social synthesis is obtained. And, in what some may regard as the ultimate irony, much of this process may escape the conscious choices made by the main actors.
In a grotesquely imperfect world riddled with hypocrisy, institutionalized violence, and the abuse of power—not to mention the monopoly of power—defensive force cannot be ruled out a priori as a rectification tool, especially since, as history (most recently in Iraq) has repeatedly shown, the abusers, those who would rape a country or a society for their own gain, have no qualms in applying torrential amounts of violence on often defenseless populations. And, a point that is often lost on rigid pacifists: the violence of the oppressed is not the moral equivalent of the violence of the oppressor. Aggressor and victim are not in the same category, and even though when engaged in combat they may be superficially similar, they inhabit different universes. Wrap your mind around that, if you can, and some of the death grip, the self-inflicted paralysis attending this topic, may begin to relax.
I could go on, but if you're a liberal I'm afraid the lessons of history will matter far less than attachment to convenient fantasies.
Patrice Greanville is the editor and publisher of Cyrano’s Journal Online and a veteran radical activist.
4 comments:
Anonymous said...
I have always been against violence, but not at any cost. For a long time I banned guns from my household, and removed media showing violent content. My young children, while I observed, responded with more aggression even to violent cartoons, but not to Sesame Street. A personal threat against me some years back, led me to a change of heart. I had to learn to defend myself with force if necessary. My (now older) kids were shocked when I qualified for handgun and concealed carry.
With the events of the past seven years particularly, with the perfect storm of global warming, peak oil, and economic meltdown headed straight for America, I realized that I might one day, with gray hair and wrinkles, have to pick up a weapon to defend my family and/or my basic rights. It is quite a revelation. But I could and would do it absolutely.
Reformers from Jesus Christ to Martin Luther King via Ghandi have demonstrated the power of non violent resistence - but presumably these lessons from history 'matter less' to Mr Greanville's call to arms. What the world most definitely does not need is another wide-eyed revolutionary standing at the back urging others onwards to their deaths fighting for the noble cause of replacing one set of dictators with another. The success of the great non-vilent reformers was achieved by means of having an idea, or a dream, even, and then having the courage to lead from the front in showing how those ideas and dreams might be achieved. We in the west are lucky. We are neither hugely oppressed (such as the Palestinians, for instance) nor facing mass starvation (such as those in the horn of Africa). Also we have the means of achieving reform through existing laws. What revolutionaries such as Mr Geanville are lacking is a good idea which the masses want to support. Come up with a good idea Mr Greanville, and give people the right to decide whether your idea is good or psychotic, and reform could be achieved without a shot being fired.
It's interesting that Churchill qualifies his argument by aiming it specifically at "the American left," by which he means American liberalism. I've only read excerpts of Churchill's writing, but does he ignore the long history of nonviolent anarchism, which stretches back to Tolstoy, and is today perhaps best represented by groups like the War Resister's League and Food Not Bombs (who are both anything but reformist liberals)?
Also, as an addendum, the argument for radical nonviolence that I'm familiar with is only an absolute moral ideal inasmuch as non-hierarchy is an absolute moral ideal for anarchists. The difference between the two is that those arguing for radical nonviolence see violence as the ultimate ill of humanity and not hierarchy or other forms of oppression, because it is violence, itself (whether physical or in spirit), that is the root cause of all forms of oppression. Therefore, to do away with violence is to do away with all forms of oppression and hierarchy. This is why many nonviolent activists cannot respect "a diversity of tactics" (when such a phrase usually means, "to include violent tactics") -- they see violent tactics as a form of oppression, and thus incompatible with (and contradictory to) the aim of combating hierarchy and oppression.
LOS ANGELES - 40 Parents, Students, Educators and Supporters of Los Angeles Charter School Academia Semillas del Pueblo were illegally stopped from their peaceful demonstration by at least two dozen LAPD officers in full riot gear, with weapons and batons. Monday morning, lead by Tom Hayden, Rev. Maupin, Tupac Enrique Acosta (The Seventh Generation Fund), and leaders from the Muslim (Muslim Public Affairs Council), Japanese-American (Nikkei for Civil Rights & Redress), African-American and Latino community. Parents came to ask KABC to stop airing racist, Hate filled broadcast by morning show jock, Doug Mcintyre. Management at KABC (3321 S. La Cienega Blvd, Los Angeles, CA 90016). KABC officials responded to the call to end Hate Radio with their own call, to the LAPD. Demonstrators heard an LAPD helicopter overhead, then moments later, were surrounded by 9 to 11 squad cars. Officers told demonstrators to disperse. Legal representatives maintained the right to a peaceful assembly to the officers, they were still however illegally removed from the sidewalk. Witnesses note that Police officers came out in full riot gear, and at one point discharged a 12 gauge bean bag gun. Police held batons in front of them and warned parents to leave the sidewalk and the area in front of KABC. Police officers also stopped traffic on La Cienega and Jefferson, prohibiting people from driving in front of the building.
Academia Semillas del Pueblo and it's supporters ask all public officials, especially Mayor Antonio R. Villaraigosa, Council-members Jose Huizar, Herb Wesson Jr.. County Supervisor Yvonne Brathwaite Burke and LAPD Chief Bratton to investigate the use of excessive manpower to deny the civil rights of all citizens. Additionally, question why LAPD came to the aid of a corporation, and not remain an unbiased, mediating force in the action.
Since May 31, 2006, KABC's Doug Mcintyre has used the public airwaves to attack the children of Academia Semillas del Pueblo by calling them 'cannibals', 'terrorists' and calling for the closure of their school. 2 days after McIntyre started asking his listeners to force the closure of Academia Semillas del Pueblo, a bomb threat was called into the school, warning the students and staff that the building would smell like 'burnt tortillas' after their attack. Community leaders are calling for an end to Hate Radio and the removal of Doug Mcintyre from the public airwaves.
In the old days, it was easy to recognize who was a journalist, one belonging to that class of elite individuals who could bring down a president with their powerful craft: simply look for the notebook and the press card stuck into the side of a fedora. But digital technology has turned everything upside down, and those days are long gone. That, and no one wears fedoras anymore.
Now, with a digital camcorder, a computer, and an Internet connection, anybody can be boat-rocker by capturing a Macaca moment or bringing attention to Don Imus’ racist broadcast on their blog. So the question must be asked: just who is a journalist, nowadays?
It is an important question in light of both the jailing of videoblogger Josh Wolf (now free after 226 days in jail) for refusing to comply with a subpoena for his unaired footage of a 2005 demonstration, and the ongoing debate over a federal shield law to create a journalistic privilege to protect the sources and methods of journalism from compelled disclosure. It is here that the definition of a journalist begins to matter: to whom would this journalistic privilege apply?
However, defining a journalist is no easy task, and many have qualms about the very prospect of inviting the government to define a journalist. To them, the act is a form of licensing, and therefore an affront to the First Amendment.
As Floyd Abrams, a legendary First Amendment lawyer who argued for a journalistic privilege in the Supreme Court case Branzburg v. Hayes, has said, “...merely determining the scope of the privilege (when would it apply?) and identifying who would receive it ... [are] difficult matters at best.”
Indeed, defining a journalist is risky business. Any governmental definition of a journalist could either be too narrow and exclusionary, failing to account for changes and nuances (such a freelancer or bloggers), or too broad, with the unintended consequence of granting a blanket testimonial privilege to anyone who can claim to be a journalist.
For example, California’s shield law, which is codified in the state constitution and attempts to define a journalist, faces the problem of exclusion. A journalist is defined as “a publisher, editor, reporter, or other person connected with or employed upon a newspaper, magazine, or other periodical publication.” It is these people, the law goes on to say, who “ shall not be adjudged in contempt...for refusing to disclose the source of any information procured while so connected or employed for publication in a newspaper, magazine or other periodical publication, or for refusing to disclose any unpublished information obtained or prepared in gathering, receiving or processing of information for communication to the public.”
Whether a freelancer who writes while not connected to a news organization (like Josh Wolf) or an individual who produces a piece of journalism only once on his blog is a journalist is not entirely clear by the state of California’s definition. Is a blog considered a “periodical publication”?
When I asked Kevin Bankston, a staff attorney for the Electronic Frontier Foundation, whether or not bloggers are journalists, he succinctly responded, “Yes. A blogger is a journalist if they are doing journalism.”
Bankston’s response is an interesting one as it shifts the focus from the question of who is a journalist, to the question of “what is journalism?” I asked Bankston if a good legal definition of journalism existed. He responded that a flexible definition came from a case in which the Ninth Circuit and Second Circuit Federal Courts of Appeals attempted to determine when to apply a First Amendment journalists’ privilege.
The courts determined that the journalists’ privilege applied when “the person seeking to invoke the privilege had ‘the intent to use material - sought, gathered or received - to disseminate information to the public and [that] such intent existed at the inception of the newsgathering process.’ If both conditions are satisfied, then the privilege may be invoked.”
Bankston argued that this definition “correctly recognizes that what the First Amendment protects here isn’t a person or a sector of the media but the act of journalism.” Furthermore, he said, the decision discriminates neither on the basis of whether the person doing journalism is a professional or amateur, nor on the basis of the medium used.
Bankston is on to something here. The First Amendment does not favor one class of individuals over another. If anybody can do journalism at any time, then the entire debate of protecting journalism has been mistakenly focused on the exclusionary, who part of journalism rather than the what part of journalism.
The constant advent of new technologies means that journalism is a rapidly changing field. The definition of a journalist, if codified under the federal shield Law, must be flexible enough to allow for these changes in the reporting business and be rooted in what is journalism.
So who is a journalist? A journalist is simply someone who does journalism — who gathers news and information for the purposes of dissemination to the public.
Anthony Sanchez is the director of the Center on Media for the Roosevelt Institution at Stanford. He is a senior in Communications and Creative Writing.
25-Apr-2007Written by: Jess Boettger Live Earth festival will see reunion of Spinal Tap.
Those dreaming of a Spinal Tap reunion will finally get their wish: the bandmates seem to have finally found a good enough reason to reunite. That would come in the form of taking a stand against global warming. The band, led by Nigel Tufnel and David St Hubbins, is to come together once again for an appearance at this summer’s upcoming Live Earth Festival. What’s more, a new film is being screened today that dives into the band’s eco-consciousness. The director for the film, Rob Reiner, goes way back with the band, all the way back to their rockumentary, “This is Spinal Tap.” Reiner commented on the band’s decision to play Live Earth, saying that the band is “not that environmentally conscious, but they’ve heard of global warming.” He joked that band leader Nigel thought the term meant he was wearing too much clothing, a problem solved by removing his jacket. Spinal Tap will be at the Al Gore organized festival at Wembley Stadium on July 7th.
By Dana Milbank
Wednesday, April 25, 2007; 8:18 AM
------------------------------------
As long as there are so-called Democrats like Stinky Hoyer and Rahm (son of a terrorist and former ballet dancer) Emanuel, we are F***ed.
Dana Milbank's further insults Kucinich by talking about his brylcreamed hair and small stature. If you've seen Milbank, his hair is greasy enough to fry a whole chicken. Besides, Rumsfeld is a very short man and Emanuel is a about 5 foot 2. Snap!!!
By Dana Milbank
Wednesday, April 25, 2007; 8:18 AM
"I do not stand alone," Dennis Kucinich said as he stood, alone, in front of a cluster of microphones yesterday evening.
The Ohio congressman, a Democratic presidential candidate, was holding a news conference outside the Capitol to announce that he had just filed articles of impeachment against Vice President Cheney. But subsequent questioning quickly revealed that Kucinich had not yet persuaded any of his 434 colleagues to be a cosponsor, that he had not even discussed the matter with House Democratic leaders, and that he had not raised the subject with the Judiciary Committee.
Kucinich did have one thing: a copy of the Declaration of Independence. And he was not afraid to read it. "We hold these truths to be self-evident," the aspiring impeachment manager read at the start of his news conference. He continued all the way through the bit about the right of the people to abolish the government.
"These words from the Declaration of Independence are instructive at this moment," he said.
A reporter from the Cleveland Plain Dealer encouraged USS Kucinich to contact planet Earth. "But Nancy Pelosi says this is not going anywhere," she pointed out.
"Have you talked to her today?" Kucinich shot back.
"Yes, I did," she replied.
Kucinich had not expected that answer. "Then I would say I have not talked to her," he acknowledged.
It was not an auspicious beginning for the impeachment of Richard B. Cheney.
Kucinich had called his news conference for noon on the terrace of the Cannon building. But minutes before the event, his office sent out a statement: "News reports this morning indicate the Vice President was experiencing a medical crisis. Until the vice president's condition is clarified, I am placing any action on hold."
This was odd, because the vice president's spokeswoman had already announced that Cheney had merely gone to a doctor's office to check on a blood clot in his leg, which is improving. Cheney himself, far from suffering a medical crisis, joined Senate Republicans for lunch at the Capitol. "The leg's doing good," Cheney announced after lunch, his lips in his trademark snarl. Indeed, he was feeling so well that he chose to start a new fight with congressional Democrats. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid was not only "uninformed and misleading," but also practicing "defeatism," Cheney said. Democrats are guilty of "political calculation" and "blind opposition."
Reid visited the same microphones minutes later to return the playground taunts: "I'm not going to get into a name-calling match with somebody who has a 9 percent approval rating." And: "I'm not going to get into a name-calling match with the administration's chief attack dog."
Kucinich evidently realized there was no reason for him to get cold feet just because of Cheney's leg. A few minutes after the Cheney-Reid showdown, the congressman arrived in the Speaker's Lobby off the House floor, handing out news releases to any reporter he could find: "Kucinich to Move Forward with Impeachment News Conference."
Washingtonpost.com's Paul Kane showed the news release to House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer (D-Md.), who declined to endorse the Kucinich crusade. "He was busily engaged in handing that out," Hoyer observed. "Beyond that, I don't have any thought about it."
Rep. Rahm Emanuel (Ill.), chairman of the House Democratic caucus, was equally dismissive -- "Dennis can do what he wants; I'm not going to support it" -- but used the occasion to try out some Cheney material: "This is the biggest setback for the vice president since oil went under 65 bucks a barrel."
Kucinich, however, did not find humor in the matter. Standing perhaps 5 feet 6 inches tall in shoes, he wore a solemn face as he approached the microphones, which nearly reached his eye level. He beckoned to aides, who handed out thick binders detailing the case.
Kucinich read at length from his articles of impeachment, undeterred by rush-hour traffic noise on Independence Avenue ("I'll wait till the truck goes by here," he said at one point) and wind that ruffled his text and the few strands of his hair that were insufficiently weighted by Brylcreem.
Tom Ferraro of Reuters asked Kucinich if any other lawmakers supported impeachment.
"Because this resolution is so weighty in its import, it's going to be important for members of Congress to have sufficient time to study the articles," Kucinich answered.
We'll take that as a no. "So at this point you stand alone?" Ferraro pressed.
"I believe I stand with millions of Americans," Kucinich parried.
Someone else asked why Kucinich targeted Cheney but not Cheney's boss. "There's a practical reason," the congressman explained. "If we were to start with the president and pursue articles of impeachment, Mr. Cheney would then become president. . . . You would then have to go through the constitutional agony of impeaching two presidents consecutively."
It was a valid point. If Kucinich is having this much trouble impeaching one vice president, imagine the difficulty impeaching two presidents.
The congressman stands alone. (By Lauren Victoria Burke -- Associated Press)
VIDEO | Dennis Kucinich (D-Oh.) held a press conference Tuesday to announce his decision to file articles of impeachment against Vice President Cheney.
You are the daughter of the sea, oregano's first cousin.
Swimmer, your body is pure as the water;
cook, your blood is quick as the soil.
Everything you do is full of flowers, rich with the earth.
Your eyes go out toward the water, and the waves rise;
your hands go out to the earth and the seeds swell;
you know the deep essence of water and the earth,
conjoined in you like a formula for clay.
Naiad: cut your body into turquoise pieces,
they will bloom resurrected in the kitchen.
This is how you become everything that lives.
And so at last, you sleep, in the circle of my arms
that push back the shadows so that you can rest--
vegetables, seaweed, herbs: the foam of your dreams.
Kucinich has filed an impeachment resolution against Cheney in the House Judiciary Committee. http://impeachforpeace.org/impeach_bush_blog/?p=1406And it just so happens that Impeach for Peace has recently met with Rep. Keith Ellison of the Judiciary Committee. http://impeachforpeace.org/impeach_bush_blog/?p=1361Rep. Ellison was kind enough to give us some advice as to how to pressure that committee to act on impeachment. He reccomended which members of the Judiciary could use some encouragement. So, we've adjusted our Do-It-Yourself Impeachment (which has apparently been wildly successful in helping Kucinich), and have refocused it to impeach Cheney, as well as directing it to the members of the Judiciary recommended by Ellison. So, it's our turn again to help this process along. Let's innundate these members of the Judiciary with a document that actually initiates impeachment via the House of Representative's own rules. This legal document is as binding as if a State or if the House itself passed theimpeachment resolution. This document is based on one which wassuccessful in impeaching a federal official in the past. You can find it on IfP's website as a PDF.Kucinich says he needs us to keep building the groundswell of support for impeachment all over the country. He said he felt that our framing the issue of impeachment in terms of the Constitution is a principled choice, and ultimately more effective than just acting on anger. Here's video of Kucinich addressing the impeachment issue: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MAIJyKhJhiM Do-It-Yourself by downloading the memorial, filling in the relevant information (your name, state, etc.), and sending it in. The document also has you sending them to Impeach for Peace. That way, we can collect them all in one place, and deliver them all simultaneously (with cameras rolling) in July. Be a part of history. http://ImpeachForPeace.org/ImpeachNow.html
Additionally, you can contact these members of the Judiciary here: http://judiciary.house.gov/contact.aspxHon. Jerrold Nadler202-225-5635 Hon. Howard L. Berman(202) 225-4695 Hon. Zoe Lofgren(202) 225-3072 Hon. Linda T. Sánchez(202) 225-6676 *- Other Impeach For Peace Resources...Do-It-Yourself Impeachment: http://impeachforpeace.org/ImpeachNow.htmlSee all the events at http://impeachforpeace.org/cgi-bin/activistlistwcw.cgiJoin us for discussion at http://impeachforpeace.org/board/See Mikael's blog at http://impeachforpeace.org/blog/*Impeachment Partners:http://worldcantwait.org/ http://www.afterdowningstreet.org/?q=taxonomy/term/17http://pledgetoimpeach.org/http://pdamerica.org/http://impeachbush.tv/ http://www.veteransforpeace.org/impeachment/petition2.htmhttp://impeachforchange.org/
From Hitler to Pinochet and beyond, history shows there are certain steps that any would-be dictator must take to destroy constitutional freedoms. And, argues Naomi Wolf, George Bush and his administration seem to be taking them allTuesday April 24, 2007The GuardianLast autumn, there was a military coup in Thailand. The leaders of the coup took a number of steps, rather systematically, as if they had a shopping list. In a sense, they did. Within a matter of days, democracy had been closed down: the coup leaders declared martial law, sent armed soldiers into residential areas, took over radio and TV stations, issued restrictions on the press, tightened some limits on travel, and took certain activists into custody.They were not figuring these things out as they went along. If you look at history, you can see that there is essentially a blueprint for turning an open society into a dictatorship. That blueprint has been used again and again in more and less bloody, more and less terrifying ways. But it is always effective. It is very difficult and arduous to create and sustain a democracy - but history shows that closing one down is much simpler. You simply have to be willing to take the 10 steps.As difficult as this is to contemplate, it is clear, if you are willing to look, that each of these 10 steps has already been initiated today in the United States by the Bush administration.Because Americans like me were born in freedom, we have a hard time even considering that it is possible for us to become as unfree - domestically - as many other nations. Because we no longer learn much about our rights or our system of government - the task of being aware of the constitution has been outsourced from citizens' ownership to being the domain of professionals such as lawyers and professors - we scarcely recognise the checks and balances that the founders put in place, even as they are being systematically dismantled. Because we don't learn much about European history, the setting up of a department of "homeland" security - remember who else was keen on the word "homeland" - didn't raise the alarm bells it might have.It is my argument that, beneath our very noses, George Bush and his administration are using time-tested tactics to close down an open society. It is time for us to be willing to think the unthinkable - as the author and political journalist Joe Conason, has put it, that it can happen here. And that we are further along than we realise.Conason eloquently warned of the danger of American authoritarianism. I am arguing that we need also to look at the lessons of European and other kinds of fascism to understand the potential seriousness of the events we see unfolding in the US.1 Invoke a terrifying internal and external enemyAfter we were hit on September 11 2001, we were in a state of national shock. Less than six weeks later, on October 26 2001, the USA Patriot Act was passed by a Congress that had little chance to debate it; many said that they scarcely had time to read it. We were told we were now on a "war footing"; we were in a "global war" against a "global caliphate" intending to "wipe out civilisation". There have been other times of crisis in which the US accepted limits on civil liberties, such as during the civil war, when Lincoln declared martial law, and the second world war, when thousands of Japanese-American citizens were interned. But this situation, as Bruce Fein of the American Freedom Agenda notes, is unprecedented: all our other wars had an endpoint, so the pendulum was able to swing back toward freedom; this war is defined as open-ended in time and without national boundaries in space - the globe itself is the battlefield. "This time," Fein says, "there will be no defined end."Creating a terrifying threat - hydra-like, secretive, evil - is an old trick. It can, like Hitler's invocation of a communist threat to the nation's security, be based on actual events (one Wisconsin academic has faced calls for his dismissal because he noted, among other things, that the alleged communist arson, the Reichstag fire of February 1933, was swiftly followed in Nazi Germany by passage of the Enabling Act, which replaced constitutional law with an open-ended state of emergency). Or the terrifying threat can be based, like the National Socialist evocation of the "global conspiracy of world Jewry", on myth.It is not that global Islamist terrorism is not a severe danger; of course it is. I am arguing rather that the language used to convey the nature of the threat is different in a country such as Spain - which has also suffered violent terrorist attacks - than it is in America. Spanish citizens know that they face a grave security threat; what we as American citizens believe is that we are potentially threatened with the end of civilisation as we know it. Of course, this makes us more willing to accept restrictions on our freedoms.2 Create a gulagOnce you have got everyone scared, the next step is to create a prison system outside the rule of law (as Bush put it, he wanted the American detention centre at Guantánamo Bay to be situated in legal "outer space") - where torture takes place.At first, the people who are sent there are seen by citizens as outsiders: troublemakers, spies, "enemies of the people" or "criminals". Initially, citizens tend to support the secret prison system; it makes them feel safer and they do not identify with the prisoners. But soon enough, civil society leaders - opposition members, labour activists, clergy and journalists - are arrested and sent there as well.This process took place in fascist shifts or anti-democracy crackdowns ranging from Italy and Germany in the 1920s and 1930s to the Latin American coups of the 1970s and beyond. It is standard practice for closing down an open society or crushing a pro-democracy uprising.With its jails in Iraq and Afghanistan, and, of course, Guantánamo in Cuba, where detainees are abused, and kept indefinitely without trial and without access to the due process of the law, America certainly has its gulag now. Bush and his allies in Congress recently announced they would issue no information about the secret CIA "black site" prisons throughout the world, which are used to incarcerate people who have been seized off the street.Gulags in history tend to metastasise, becoming ever larger and more secretive, ever more deadly and formalised. We know from first-hand accounts, photographs, videos and government documents that people, innocent and guilty, have been tortured in the US-run prisons we are aware of and those we can't investigate adequately.But Americans still assume this system and detainee abuses involve only scary brown people with whom they don't generally identify. It was brave of the conservative pundit William Safire to quote the anti-Nazi pastor Martin Niemöller, who had been seized as a political prisoner: "First they came for the Jews." Most Americans don't understand yet that the destruction of the rule of law at Guantánamo set a dangerous precedent for them, too.By the way, the establishment of military tribunals that deny prisoners due process tends to come early on in a fascist shift. Mussolini and Stalin set up such tribunals. On April 24 1934, the Nazis, too, set up the People's Court, which also bypassed the judicial system: prisoners were held indefinitely, often in isolation, and tortured, without being charged with offences, and were subjected to show trials. Eventually, the Special Courts became a parallel system that put pressure on the regular courts to abandon the rule of law in favour of Nazi ideology when making decisions.3 Develop a thug casteWhen leaders who seek what I call a "fascist shift" want to close down an open society, they send paramilitary groups of scary young men out to terrorise citizens. The Blackshirts roamed the Italian countryside beating up communists; the Brownshirts staged violent rallies throughout Germany. This paramilitary force is especially important in a democracy: you need citizens to fear thug violence and so you need thugs who are free from prosecution.The years following 9/11 have proved a bonanza for America's security contractors, with the Bush administration outsourcing areas of work that traditionally fell to the US military. In the process, contracts worth hundreds of millions of dollars have been issued for security work by mercenaries at home and abroad. In Iraq, some of these contract operatives have been accused of involvement in torturing prisoners, harassing journalists and firing on Iraqi civilians. Under Order 17, issued to regulate contractors in Iraq by the one-time US administrator in Baghdad, Paul Bremer, these contractors are immune from prosecutionYes, but that is in Iraq, you could argue; however, after Hurricane Katrina, the Department of Homeland Security hired and deployed hundreds of armed private security guards in New Orleans. The investigative journalist Jeremy Scahill interviewed one unnamed guard who reported having fired on unarmed civilians in the city. It was a natural disaster that underlay that episode - but the administration's endless war on terror means ongoing scope for what are in effect privately contracted armies to take on crisis and emergency management at home in US cities.Thugs in America? Groups of angry young Republican men, dressed in identical shirts and trousers, menaced poll workers counting the votes in Florida in 2000. If you are reading history, you can imagine that there can be a need for "public order" on the next election day. Say there are protests, or a threat, on the day of an election; history would not rule out the presence of a private security firm at a polling station "to restore public order".4 Set up an internal surveillance systemIn Mussolini's Italy, in Nazi Germany, in communist East Germany, in communist China - in every closed society - secret police spy on ordinary people and encourage neighbours to spy on neighbours. The Stasi needed to keep only a minority of East Germans under surveillance to convince a majority that they themselves were being watched.In 2005 and 2006, when James Risen and Eric Lichtblau wrote in the New York Times about a secret state programme to wiretap citizens' phones, read their emails and follow international financial transactions, it became clear to ordinary Americans that they, too, could be under state scrutiny.In closed societies, this surveillance is cast as being about "national security"; the true function is to keep citizens docile and inhibit their activism and dissent.5 Harass citizens' groupsThe fifth thing you do is related to step four - you infiltrate and harass citizens' groups. It can be trivial: a church in Pasadena, whose minister preached that Jesus was in favour of peace, found itself being investigated by the Internal Revenue Service, while churches that got Republicans out to vote, which is equally illegal under US tax law, have been left alone.Other harassment is more serious: the American Civil Liberties Union reports that thousands of ordinary American anti-war, environmental and other groups have been infiltrated by agents: a secret Pentagon database includes more than four dozen peaceful anti-war meetings, rallies or marches by American citizens in its category of 1,500 "suspicious incidents". The equally secret Counterintelligence Field Activity (Cifa) agency of the Department of Defense has been gathering information about domestic organisations engaged in peaceful political activities: Cifa is supposed to track "potential terrorist threats" as it watches ordinary US citizen activists. A little-noticed new law has redefined activism such as animal rights protests as "terrorism". So the definition of "terrorist" slowly expands to include the opposition.6 Engage in arbitrary detention and releaseThis scares people. It is a kind of cat-and-mouse game. Nicholas D Kristof and Sheryl WuDunn, the investigative reporters who wrote China Wakes: the Struggle for the Soul of a Rising Power, describe pro-democracy activists in China, such as Wei Jingsheng, being arrested and released many times. In a closing or closed society there is a "list" of dissidents and opposition leaders: you are targeted in this way once you are on the list, and it is hard to get off the list.In 2004, America's Transportation Security Administration confirmed that it had a list of passengers who were targeted for security searches or worse if they tried to fly. People who have found themselves on the list? Two middle-aged women peace activists in San Francisco; liberal Senator Edward Kennedy; a member of Venezuela's government - after Venezuela's president had criticised Bush; and thousands of ordinary US citizens.Professor Walter F Murphy is emeritus of Princeton University; he is one of the foremost constitutional scholars in the nation and author of the classic Constitutional Democracy. Murphy is also a decorated former marine, and he is not even especially politically liberal. But on March 1 this year, he was denied a boarding pass at Newark, "because I was on the Terrorist Watch list"."Have you been in any peace marches? We ban a lot of people from flying because of that," asked the airline employee."I explained," said Murphy, "that I had not so marched but had, in September 2006, given a lecture at Princeton, televised and put on the web, highly critical of George Bush for his many violations of the constitution.""That'll do it," the man said.Anti-war marcher? Potential terrorist. Support the constitution? Potential terrorist. History shows that the categories of "enemy of the people" tend to expand ever deeper into civil life.James Yee, a US citizen, was the Muslim chaplain at Guantánamo who was accused of mishandling classified documents. He was harassed by the US military before the charges against him were dropped. Yee has been detained and released several times. He is still of interest.Brandon Mayfield, a US citizen and lawyer in Oregon, was mistakenly identified as a possible terrorist. His house was secretly broken into and his computer seized. Though he is innocent of the accusation against him, he is still on the list.It is a standard practice of fascist societies that once you are on the list, you can't get off.7 Target key individualsThreaten civil servants, artists and academics with job loss if they don't toe the line. Mussolini went after the rectors of state universities who did not conform to the fascist line; so did Joseph Goebbels, who purged academics who were not pro-Nazi; so did Chile's Augusto Pinochet; so does the Chinese communist Politburo in punishing pro-democracy students and professors.Academe is a tinderbox of activism, so those seeking a fascist shift punish academics and students with professional loss if they do not "coordinate", in Goebbels' term, ideologically. Since civil servants are the sector of society most vulnerable to being fired by a given regime, they are also a group that fascists typically "coordinate" early on: the Reich Law for the Re-establishment of a Professional Civil Service was passed on April 7 1933.Bush supporters in state legislatures in several states put pressure on regents at state universities to penalise or fire academics who have been critical of the administration. As for civil servants, the Bush administration has derailed the career of one military lawyer who spoke up for fair trials for detainees, while an administration official publicly intimidated the law firms that represent detainees pro bono by threatening to call for their major corporate clients to boycott them.Elsewhere, a CIA contract worker who said in a closed blog that "waterboarding is torture" was stripped of the security clearance she needed in order to do her job.Most recently, the administration purged eight US attorneys for what looks like insufficient political loyalty. When Goebbels purged the civil service in April 1933, attorneys were "coordinated" too, a step that eased the way of the increasingly brutal laws to follow.8 Control the pressItaly in the 1920s, Germany in the 30s, East Germany in the 50s, Czechoslovakia in the 60s, the Latin American dictatorships in the 70s, China in the 80s and 90s - all dictatorships and would-be dictators target newspapers and journalists. They threaten and harass them in more open societies that they are seeking to close, and they arrest them and worse in societies that have been closed already.The Committee to Protect Journalists says arrests of US journalists are at an all-time high: Josh Wolf (no relation), a blogger in San Francisco, has been put in jail for a year for refusing to turn over video of an anti-war demonstration; Homeland Security brought a criminal complaint against reporter Greg Palast, claiming he threatened "critical infrastructure" when he and a TV producer were filming victims of Hurricane Katrina in Louisiana. Palast had written a bestseller critical of the Bush administration.Other reporters and writers have been punished in other ways. Joseph C Wilson accused Bush, in a New York Times op-ed, of leading the country to war on the basis of a false charge that Saddam Hussein had acquired yellowcake uranium in Niger. His wife, Valerie Plame, was outed as a CIA spy - a form of retaliation that ended her career.Prosecution and job loss are nothing, though, compared with how the US is treating journalists seeking to cover the conflict in Iraq in an unbiased way. The Committee to Protect Journalists has documented multiple accounts of the US military in Iraq firing upon or threatening to fire upon unembedded (meaning independent) reporters and camera operators from organisations ranging from al-Jazeera to the BBC. While westerners may question the accounts by al-Jazeera, they should pay attention to the accounts of reporters such as the BBC's Kate Adie. In some cases reporters have been wounded or killed, including ITN's Terry Lloyd in 2003. Both CBS and the Associated Press in Iraq had staff members seized by the US military and taken to violent prisons; the news organisations were unable to see the evidence against their staffers.Over time in closing societies, real news is supplanted by fake news and false documents. Pinochet showed Chilean citizens falsified documents to back up his claim that terrorists had been about to attack the nation. The yellowcake charge, too, was based on forged papers.You won't have a shutdown of news in modern America - it is not possible. But you can have, as Frank Rich and Sidney Blumenthal have pointed out, a steady stream of lies polluting the news well. What you already have is a White House directing a stream of false information that is so relentless that it is increasingly hard to sort out truth from untruth. In a fascist system, it's not the lies that count but the muddying. When citizens can't tell real news from fake, they give up their demands for accountability bit by bit.9 Dissent equals treasonCast dissent as "treason" and criticism as "espionage'. Every closing society does this, just as it elaborates laws that increasingly criminalise certain kinds of speech and expand the definition of "spy" and "traitor". When Bill Keller, the publisher of the New York Times, ran the Lichtblau/Risen stories, Bush called the Times' leaking of classified information "disgraceful", while Republicans in Congress called for Keller to be charged with treason, and rightwing commentators and news outlets kept up the "treason" drumbeat. Some commentators, as Conason noted, reminded readers smugly that one penalty for violating the Espionage Act is execution.Conason is right to note how serious a threat that attack represented. It is also important to recall that the 1938 Moscow show trial accused the editor of Izvestia, Nikolai Bukharin, of treason; Bukharin was, in fact, executed. And it is important to remind Americans that when the 1917 Espionage Act was last widely invoked, during the infamous 1919 Palmer Raids, leftist activists were arrested without warrants in sweeping roundups, kept in jail for up to five months, and "beaten, starved, suffocated, tortured and threatened with death", according to the historian Myra MacPherson. After that, dissent was muted in America for a decade.In Stalin's Soviet Union, dissidents were "enemies of the people". National Socialists called those who supported Weimar democracy "November traitors".And here is where the circle closes: most Americans do not realise that since September of last year - when Congress wrongly, foolishly, passed the Military Commissions Act of 2006 - the president has the power to call any US citizen an "enemy combatant". He has the power to define what "enemy combatant" means. The president can also delegate to anyone he chooses in the executive branch the right to define "enemy combatant" any way he or she wants and then seize Americans accordingly.Even if you or I are American citizens, even if we turn out to be completely innocent of what he has accused us of doing, he has the power to have us seized as we are changing planes at Newark tomorrow, or have us taken with a knock on the door; ship you or me to a navy brig; and keep you or me in isolation, possibly for months, while awaiting trial. (Prolonged isolation, as psychiatrists know, triggers psychosis in otherwise mentally healthy prisoners. That is why Stalin's gulag had an isolation cell, like Guantánamo's, in every satellite prison. Camp 6, the newest, most brutal facility at Guantánamo, is all isolation cells.)We US citizens will get a trial eventually - for now. But legal rights activists at the Center for Constitutional Rights say that the Bush administration is trying increasingly aggressively to find ways to get around giving even US citizens fair trials. "Enemy combatant" is a status offence - it is not even something you have to have done. "We have absolutely moved over into a preventive detention model - you look like you could do something bad, you might do something bad, so we're going to hold you," says a spokeswoman of the CCR.Most Americans surely do not get this yet. No wonder: it is hard to believe, even though it is true. In every closing society, at a certain point there are some high-profile arrests - usually of opposition leaders, clergy and journalists. Then everything goes quiet. After those arrests, there are still newspapers, courts, TV and radio, and the facades of a civil society. There just isn't real dissent. There just isn't freedom. If you look at history, just before those arrests is where we are now.10 Suspend the rule of lawThe John Warner Defense Authorization Act of 2007 gave the president new powers over the national guard. This means that in a national emergency - which the president now has enhanced powers to declare - he can send Michigan's militia to enforce a state of emergency that he has declared in Oregon, over the objections of the state's governor and its citizens.Even as Americans were focused on Britney Spears's meltdown and the question of who fathered Anna Nicole's baby, the New York Times editorialised about this shift: "A disturbing recent phenomenon in Washington is that laws that strike to the heart of American democracy have been passed in the dead of night ... Beyond actual insurrection, the president may now use military troops as a domestic police force in response to a natural disaster, a disease outbreak, terrorist attack or any 'other condition'."Critics see this as a clear violation of the Posse Comitatus Act - which was meant to restrain the federal government from using the military for domestic law enforcement. The Democratic senator Patrick Leahy says the bill encourages a president to declare federal martial law. It also violates the very reason the founders set up our system of government as they did: having seen citizens bullied by a monarch's soldiers, the founders were terrified of exactly this kind of concentration of militias' power over American people in the hands of an oppressive executive or faction.Of course, the United States is not vulnerable to the violent, total closing-down of the system that followed Mussolini's march on Rome or Hitler's roundup of political prisoners. Our democratic habits are too resilient, and our military and judiciary too independent, for any kind of scenario like that.Rather, as other critics are noting, our experiment in democracy could be closed down by a process of erosion.It is a mistake to think that early in a fascist shift you see the profile of barbed wire against the sky. In the early days, things look normal on the surface; peasants were celebrating harvest festivals in Calabria in 1922; people were shopping and going to the movies in Berlin in 1931. Early on, as WH Auden put it, the horror is always elsewhere - while someone is being tortured, children are skating, ships are sailing: "dogs go on with their doggy life ... How everything turns away/ Quite leisurely from the disaster."As Americans turn away quite leisurely, keeping tuned to internet shopping and American Idol, the foundations of democracy are being fatally corroded. Something has changed profoundly that weakens us unprecedentedly: our democratic traditions, independent judiciary and free press do their work today in a context in which we are "at war" in a "long war" - a war without end, on a battlefield described as the globe, in a context that gives the president - without US citizens realising it yet - the power over US citizens of freedom or long solitary incarceration, on his say-so alone.That means a hollowness has been expanding under the foundation of all these still- free-looking institutions - and this foundation can give way under certain kinds of pressure. To prevent such an outcome, we have to think about the "what ifs".What if, in a year and a half, there is another attack - say, God forbid, a dirty bomb? The executive can declare a state of emergency. History shows that any leader, of any party, will be tempted to maintain emergency powers after the crisis has passed. With the gutting of traditional checks and balances, we are no less endangered by a President Hillary than by a President Giuliani - because any executive will be tempted to enforce his or her will through edict rather than the arduous, uncertain process of democratic negotiation and compromise.What if the publisher of a major US newspaper were charged with treason or espionage, as a rightwing effort seemed to threaten Keller with last year? What if he or she got 10 years in jail? What would the newspapers look like the next day? Judging from history, they would not cease publishing; but they would suddenly be very polite.Right now, only a handful of patriots are trying to hold back the tide of tyranny for the rest of us - staff at the Center for Constitutional Rights, who faced death threats for representing the detainees yet persisted all the way to the Supreme Court; activists at the American Civil Liberties Union; and prominent conservatives trying to roll back the corrosive new laws, under the banner of a new group called the American Freedom Agenda. This small, disparate collection of people needs everybody's help, including that of Europeans and others internationally who are willing to put pressure on the administration because they can see what a US unrestrained by real democracy at home can mean for the rest of the world.We need to look at history and face the "what ifs". For if we keep going down this road, the "end of America" could come for each of us in a different way, at a different moment; each of us might have a different moment when we feel forced to look back and think: that is how it was before - and this is the way it is now."The accumulation of all powers, legislative, executive, and judiciary, in the same hands ... is the definition of tyranny," wrote James Madison. We still have the choice to stop going down this road; we can stand our ground and fight for our nation, and take up the banner the founders asked us to carry.
When I think over my experiences in L&R (as well as earlier experiences), I reach the following three main conclusions:
(1) There is a need to balance activism with theory. An activists’ program needs to be based on a theory of the world, what causes oppression, what would liberation mean, what sectors of society can overturn oppression, and what can we do to help them to move toward liberation. Otherwise we are just actively jumping around. If anarchists are not to be outdone (once again) by the Marxists and other authoritarians, we have to know what we are doing. Not that every member of an anarchist federation has to fully agree with the same ideas, but there needs to be a core of members with a common approach. This does not mean that we can do nothing without a full-grown theory. Unlike the Marxists, we do not have a set of sacred books to learn from. But as we participate in struggles, anarchists should be simultaneously working on theory. There should be study groups, a common set of readings, and a lively theoretical journal.
(2) There needs to be an orientation to the working class. This is not only for theoretical but for strategic reasons. There is no other oppressed group which has the potential ability to shut down capitalist society – and to start it up again. Only workers – as workers – can do this. No other grouping is oppressed at the heart of the process of production or has the self-interest to create a classless society. This was the insight of anarcho-syndicalism.
Anarchists must continue to participate in and champion the struggles of women, queers, of oppressed races and nations. Their oppression is as real as that of workers. Their movements are as essential for liberation. But just as their issues must be raised in the class struggle, so the class struggle must be raised in them. This means participation in workplace concerns. We need to develop a serious and positive view of unions, and a set of tactics for dealing with them.
(3) There is a need for a democratic organization of revolutionary anarchists – if we are not (once again) to be outorganized by the Marxists. There can be no abstractly preordained structure for such a democratic organization, except that it be democratic. Much depends on the circumstances. The principle is that it should be as decentralized and directly democratic as possible but as centralized and coordinated as is minimally necessary. This is not a party, which is an organization for taking power (by election, or by control of a revolution). This is an instrument for participation in popular struggles and for encouraging the people to take over themselves. An anarchist organization is part of the process of popular self-organization, not its opposite. But, as is said in the Organizational Platform of Libertarian Communists, it needs some personnel chosen by the membership. They should be elected on the basis of their politics, not their personalities or their location! s. I believe it is essential for such a democratic, programmatic body to be elected to oversee publications, and other literature, as well as to do a certain minimal amount of coordination and reacting to emergencies.
All these points are controversial among anarchists. But I have seen, all too often, the victory of the authoritarians, statists, and Marxists, over the anarchists and libertarian socialists. We have a chance to change that awful history, if we are prepared for it.
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FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
Contact: Squiggy Rubio or Verbena, (707) 407-5017
Growing Encampment Protesting Human Rights Violations Against Houseless People
PEOPLE PROJECT Proposes Free, People-Run, Eco-Sustainable Campground
Thirty-five houseless people and supportive community members began a demonstration on city property, the lawn of the 'neighborhood center' on D Street in Arcata Saturday afternoon. Later that evening, the demonstrators set up tents to form an encampment where people have been dialoguing, skill-sharing and sharing food during the day and sleeping at night. By Monday many more people are participating in, visiting and supporting the encampment. Early Monday a banner was posted over highway 101: "It's a Crime to Sleep Outside. Is that alright with you?"
The encampment protest has been organized by People Project to reveal the crisis of persistent cruelty and human rights violations that houseless people face every day and every night in this community. The goal of the encampment protest is to ultimately generate community support for a free, people-run and eco-sustainable campground.
Some of the signs displayed by protesters read: "Sleep Deprivation is Torture;" "Where Would Jesus Sleep?;" and "Dignity and Respect for All." Houseless activist Charlie said "we are reclaiming this public space to inspire dialogue with others in the community about the need for a people-run, free, ecologically, sustainable campground." "It is already meeting a concrete need for many by providing shelter, safety and food" he continued.
Over 200 people in the Arcata area, children, veterans, grandparents, elderly, activists, teens, babies are without available shelter or even a safe outside place to exist free of harassment.
One young man attested, "I got woke up by APD the other day. They arrested me and I was beat up for no reason. The next morning both my arms hurt like hell, and I have marks on my wrists from hand cuffs, and I had a bump on my head, and my nose was all broken." Even when houseless people do not get beat up, they are rousted from sleep often between 2am and dusk and forced to hide someplace else or stay awake. These types of reports are common at People Project meetings where houseless and concerned people meet Tuesday nights. At meetings people eat, share stories, organize around human rights, support each other and create autonomous solutions.
People Project wants to be clear that the encampment action is not asking for money or "help" from government. "We have found that to be useless" said longtime People Project participant, reflecting on a history of local protest and articulated needs by houseless people and advocates in local government forums. Rather, with this action People Project seeks to
connect with caring community members and strengthen the houseless community's vision of a campground.
As the first protest signs went up on rainy Saturday, "Ranger Bob" Murphy of the Arcata Police Department arrived. Murphy is notorious for ambushing people sleeping in the forest and harassing houseless people and people that he profiles "transient" and homeless. He promptly ordered B & B Portable Toilets to remove the port-a-potty for which demonstrators had paid earlier that day. Not only is it criminal to sleep anywhere in Arcata, but in addition, there are NO public restrooms.
An interaction at the encampment with Arcata City council member Paul Pitino, involved discussion about the illegality of the city's policies that target houseless people and fly in the face of the 9th Circuit Court's 'Jones' decision in 2006. For a community that considers itself progressive, it seems unthinkable that there would be such an increasing number of poor and houseless people falling victim to constant harassment and violations. People Project believes that if the real day and night truth is known by caring people in Arcata and surrounding areas, and if prejudices can be broken down through the encampment, compassion, cooperation, and dignity will flourish in the area. Encampment participants invite the public to stop by anytime, day or night, and support the camp and a future free, people-run, eco-sustainable campground.
I'm a journalist. I write a blog. I upload photographs to the photo sharing site Flickr and video to YouTube. I also post snippets of text to the mini-blog site Twitter, sometimes using my mobile phone to do so. These are all free online publishing services and they're used by millions of people worldwide. For some governments, this is a problem. At least it is in France and the US.
On 25 March in Toulouse, there was a small-scale riot.
About 300 Toulousains took to the streets in protest against the appearance of far-right presidential candidate Jean Marie Le Pen at a rally in the city. Police were deployed, tear gas used, a helicopter monitored events from above and in total 20,000 euros (£13,000) was reportedly spent containing the small number of protesters.
I was present at the riot. I Twittered a series of eight live messages. I took photos. At one point, a police officer asked me to hand him my camera. I showed him my press card and I carried on taking photographs. An hour later, I uploaded the images to the photosharing site Flickr. And a day later, I noticed a comment by Mo, a fellow Flickr member, below one of the 24 images. He wrote: "I got all the photos and videos I took yesterday on my cameraphone deleted by a policeman, who told me he would arrest [me] if he ever saw me doing [it] again. I don't know if he had the right to erase the photos. I should see about that."
On 3 March, the Prevention of Criminality Law was approved by the French Constitutional Council. Nicolas Sarkozy, the presidential candidate and former interior minister, said the law was aimed at so-called "happy slappers" who film acts of violence on their mobile phones and send the footage to friends.
However, according to Reporters without Borders, the law could have far wider uses, which may or may not have allowed the policeman to delete Mo's images from Toulouse.
The law provides for sentences of up to five years in prison and fines of 75,000 euros (£50,000) for publishing images that violate specific acts mentioned in the law — one of which concerns violence "committed by an agent of the state in the exercise of his duties". And this, say Reporters Without Borders, is the problem — the wording.
"I believe this law is going to be very difficult to implement," says Julien Pain, internet freedom editor for Reporters Without Borders. "It's going to be very difficult to prevent bloggers, internet users and people on the streets from posting photos and videos on the internet. This law has been badly written. I would find it surprising if a judge would really sentence to jail or even fine someone, just because he posted such a video online, but anything is possible."
When the law passed into being, RWB said "posting videos online showing violence against people could now be banned, even if it were the police who were carrying out the violence… this law introduces a dangerous distinction between professional journalists, allowed to disseminate images of violence, and ordinary citizens, who could be jailed for the same thing."
France is not alone in threatening to prosecute so-called citizen journalists. In America, video blogger Josh Wolf was released this month after spending 226 days in prison, a record stay in prison for any American journalist, let alone a citizen one. He was released after agreeing to hand over video footage of the G8 summit protests in San Francisco.
He published some of the video on the IndyMedia website.
The police wanted to see the entire footage to investigate an arson that happened during the protest. Wolf refused, stating that, as a journalist, it would endanger his sources. Wolf was held in contempt of court and sentenced to jail. The case highlighted a grey area in US legislation — namely the confusion of whether the legal protections given to journalists are accessible to bloggers. The case also begs the question: what constitutes journalism?
If the Toulouse riot is anything to go by, policing the citizen journalists, as well as checking the credentials of members of the card-carrying variety, would require almost double the number of police. Everywhere I looked, there was someone holding a cameraphone. And sure enough, hours later, video and photographs of the event began appearing on blogs, forums, and photo- and video-sharing websites often easily searchable.
Although not commonly used by members of the public, services such as Shozu.com allow anybody with a cameraphone to upload images and video to a blog or sharing website instantly and automatically. This means that even if a police officer confiscated a phone and erased the memory, those same images would have already been published somewhere on the internet.
Reporters Without Borders recognises the police's concern. Two days after the Toulouse protests, there was a riot in Paris's Gare du Nord railway station, and 13 people were arrested. As is now expected, photographs and video rapidly appeared on the internet. "I know many people shot the incident," says Pain. "That was a problem for the police because you had maybe 20 young people filming the cops and even their faces. If you put that on the internet, that could be a problem. It could launch some kind of chase. It's a complex issue and the way the law deals with it is certainly not appropriate."
Graham Holliday is a freelance journalist and blogger at noodlepie.com.
Ch. 2: The Garden of Live Flowers'I should see the garden far better,' said Alice to herself, 'if I could get to the top of that hill: and here's a path that leads straight to it--at least, no, it doesn't do that--' (after going a few yards along the path, and turning several sharp corners), 'but I suppose it will at last. But how curiously it twists! It's more like a corkscrew than a path! Well, THIS turn goes to the hill, I suppose--no, it doesn't! This goes straight back to the house! Well then, I'll try it the other way.'And so she did: wandering up and down, and trying turn after turn, but always coming back to the house, do what she would. Indeed, once, when she turned a corner rather more quickly than usual, she ran against it before she could stop herself.'It's no use talking about it,' Alice said, looking up at the house and pretending it was arguing with her. 'I'm NOT going in again yet. I know I should have to get through the Looking-glass again--back into the old room--and there'd be an end of all my adventures!'...
justice and journalism: josh wolf on information, independence and control monday, april 23, 4-6 pm university of san francisco, mclaren 252
from the press release: "After videotaping an anti-G8 protest in San Francisco, journalist and videoblogger Josh Wolf was asked by federal officials to hand over his footage. Upon refusing he was jailed. Released a few days ago, he comes to USF to talk about why he was willing to spend 7 ½ months locked up for refusing to let federal investigators mine his footage for evidence. What are the implications of his case for media makers, sources and audiences? Wolf will discuss the importance of a federal shield law and his work with Free the Media and prisonblogs.net, two organizations he started while incarcerated."
Evolution Solutions, a young, New Haven, Connecticut-based Internet start-up, is stepping into the breach to help bridge the chasm by organizing and circulating the enormous untapped wealth via a peer-to-peer gifts and wishes pool called GiveGet Nation. The non-profit social enterprise has launched its beta 1.0 application and its founders are welcoming the public to take the system for a test drive (www.givegetnation.net).”If we can attract a mere 1% of what people in Connecticut have stored in lockers, attics, closets and basements, for example--a 1% that they will likely never use again--we can begin to wright the course and provide promise and possibility to the weakest among us here in the richest state,” said founder William Shanley. “Everyone, no matter how rich or poor, has needs and resources. We provide a level playing field for everyone to participate in the infinite game of life through sharing.”“By beginning to circulate the limitless human product, labor, intelligence and spiritual capital of the world, we can transform it a little bit at a time,” said Timothy Wilken, MD, a Carmel, California-based general practitioner and synergy scientist. Dr. Wilken is William’s partner in the initiative and is the inventor of Giftegrity, a give and get synergy engine used in GiveGet Nation based on the work of the late genius Buckminster Fuller. “We not only provide a means to circulate lumpy items like goods, but our application also organizes and circulates work, intelligence and spiritual power to build, solve and heal. If you are retired and need a volunteer to rake your lawn, we can provide it. The same is true with professional counseling, engineering, medical and legal services. If you have artistic and spiritual interests and pursuits, you can post gifts and wishes in those domains, as well.”“To make a difference, it’s crucial that we get the message out and alert givers and getters to the opportunities and efficiencies afforded by participating in our person-to-person world of sharing,” William continued. “Unlike many other non-profits that use a condescending top-down model with large staffs and overhead, we’re are the action that makes the rubber meets the road, without having to go through a cadre of social practitioners to meet peoples needs.”http://civillibertarian.blogspot.com/2007/04/american-dream-now-nightmare-for.html
This is a video mash-up that I made using Nine Inch Nails: The Hand That Feeds as a base. I mixed in some protest footage that I shot and some other video I found on the web.Producer: Josh Wolfmp4
* The world has become dramatically more peaceful since 1992. The number of wars, coup d'etats, and acts of genocide has declined by 40 percent. Weapons sales between countries have dropped 33 percent during the same time, and the number of refugees has diminished by 45 percent. The cause of these shocking developments, according to the Human Security Report, which did the study, is the unprecedented upsurge of international activism, spearheaded by the United Nations.* The violent crime rate has decreased 50 percent since 1993. Crime is now at its lowest level since it was first officially tracked.* The average human life expectancy is 30 years more than it was a century ago, and is still climbing. Many scientists believe there is no absolute limit to the human life span.* Levels of literacy and education and political freedom and wealth are steadily growing all over the world. * Death rates from cancer are declining. * Child abduction by strangers has dropped precipitously. * In 60 years, there hasn't been a lower birth rate among teenage girls than there is now.* The world's largest freshwater system, the Great Lakes, is dramatically purifying itself of the pollutants that human beings dumped into it. * If forced to decide between having a bigger penis and living in a world where there was no war, 90 percent of all men would pick universal peace. * The number of America's black elected officials has sextupled since 1970. * Rising rates of intermarriage are helping to dissipate ethnic and religious strife worldwide. * The rivers and bays of New York City are reborn, having been cleansed of raw sewage and industrial pollution in recent years.* You have at least a million relatives as close as tenth cousin, and no one on Earth is any farther removed than your 50th cousin.* The world's largest private bank, Citigroup, has agreed to stop financing projects that damage sensitive ecosystems. * The giant timber company, Congolaise Industrielle des Bois, voluntarily agreed to stop cutting down trees in a virgin rain forest in the Congo.* The miracle of your breathing transpires about 10 million times a year, even though you never have to think about it. * Every second the sun generously transforms four million tons of itself into energy and bestows it on us free of charge. * Diamonds rain from the sky on Uranus and Neptune. * With every dawn, when first light penetrates the sea, many seahorse colonies perform a dance to the sun. * The World Health Organization reports that over 100 million acts of sexual intercourse, involving more than 200 million partners, take place on the earth every 24 hours. * Most HMO executives now believe prayer and meditation can expedite the healing process. * Vast supplies of frozen natural gas lie beneath the oceans, harboring more potential energy than all the world's oil reserves, and could be mined with the right technology. * Each of the 50 trillion cells in your body can be considered a sentient being in its own right, and they all act together as a community, performing an ongoing act of prodigious collaboration.
I do not hesitate one second to state clearly and unmistakably: I belong to the American resistance movement which fights against American imperialism, just as the resistance movement fought against Hitler.
---Paul Robeson
Virtually every day our mendacious corporate media publicizes the farcical “debate” between officials of the Bush Regime and Congress. While numerous polls have indicated that over 2/3 of US Americans want an end to the war in Iraq, and voters positioned the Democrats to exercise the will of the people, the war rages on.
Between the Gulf War, the subsequent US-driven draconian UN economic sanctions, and the seemingly endless US invasion and occupation of Iraq, well over a million Iraqis are dead. Infrastructure essential to vital human needs, including transportation, health, utilities, water, and sanitation has been decimated. Depleted uranium will continue to visit misery and death upon the Iraqi population long after the imperial invaders have been sent packing, as we were in Vietnam.
Machiavellian plutocrats, whose moral development has not progressed beyond that of an earthworm, scheme incessantly to convince the American public that we can “win” or “succeed” in Iraq. How much murder and mayhem must we inflict before we achieve the “victory” the cynical bourgeoisie covets?
Yet despite the overwhelming concentration of wealth and power in the hands of a relative few individuals and corporate entities, each of us in the United States is complicit in the crimes of our nation to some degree. Obviously, some bear much more responsibility than others, but we have each had a hand in the obliteration of the Iraqi nation.
While a majority of US Americans now vehemently oppose the Bush administration and its abominable war, too many of us still believe that both are anomalies which will be “corrected” once we “elect” a new cast of characters to take the political reins in 2008. Sadly, little could be further from the truth. As with most putrescence, ours runs deep beneath the surface.
Fed a steady diet of carefully crafted agitprop from cradle to grave, many of us zealously pursue the American Dream of suburban utopias bordered by white picket fences. Utterly oblivious and indifferent to the staggering cost we impose upon the rest of the world, we ignore the stack of bloodied corpses on which we climb as we reach for the sacred brass ring. Ready-made delusions eagerly provided by our corporate masters assure us that we are entitled to all that we desire, convince us that we are morally superior to those we bleed dry to gratify ourselves, and shield us from the grim reality that we are the “monsters on Maple Street.”
Beneath the gilded façade of truth, justice, and the American Way lurks a corrosive and rapacious socioeconomic system which is inimical to democracy, a relative handful of opulent overlords ruling a “constitutional republic”, and hundreds of millions of poor and working class individuals who are all too willing to participate in crimes against humanity in exchange for “the good life”, which as Hurricane Katrina so clearly demonstrated, is not nearly as “good” as we have been programmed to believe.
Since it is unlikely that conscience will impel us to muster the collective will necessary to dismantle this abhorrence, let’s pray that resistance movements in Iraq and other nations that we oppress and occupy serve us a healthy portion of humility by sending us home with our tails between our legs.
In the event readers need a summary of the case for divine intervention on behalf of humanity against the detestable monstrosity we have become, here it is:
1. We are a gluttonous herd of swine devouring resources at a rate well beyond the Earth’s capacity to renew them. Metaphorically speaking, we are one of twenty people populating the globe. Yet we greedily gobble a quarter of the pie, leaving our nineteen neighbors to divvy up the remaining 75%.
2. Our socioeconomic system, in which our de facto aristocracy, myriad “think tanks”, textbook authors, and mainstream media whores have inculcated us to place an unwavering faith of cult-like proportions, is only several generations removed from feudalism, mercantilism, chattel slavery, and the early industrial capitalism which fostered the abject human misery about which Dickens wrote. Concentration of wealth into the hands of a few, exploitation of the working class and the poor, various forms of servitude, profits and property over people, unbridled consumption of resources, and an insatiable need for growth and expansion are inherent malignant aspects of our much vaunted “American Capitalism”. Encouraging and rewarding greed, narcissism, hyper-competitiveness, selfishness, and ruthlessness, the “best system there is” has propelled shamelessly decadent pigs to obscene opulence while leaving over half of the world’s population to wallow in extreme poverty.
3. Rather than dismantling the military leviathan we created to facilitate our involvement in World War II, we chose to embrace a perpetual Military Keynesianism under which a mere 5% of the world’s population spends more on war than the rest of the world combined. We have no problem “tainting” our capitalism with a little socialism as long as it enables the continued existence of the parasitic “defense” industry, allows us to maintain over 700 military bases in at least 130 different countries, and empowers us to wage the covert and overt imperialist wars necessary to advance the interests of capital.
4. We have a long history of spouting off about our devotion to “freedom and democracy,” decrying (and sometimes lynching) authoritarian rulers who refuse to surrender their nation’s sovereignty to our empire, and installing and supporting brutal tyrants who serve the needs of our beloved plutocrats. Iran, bad. Saudi Arabia, good. Venezuela, evil. Colombia, righteous. You get the picture.
5. In the course of our “infinitely benevolent” quest to democratize and free the world, we have left a bloody wake of annihilated human beings euphemistically labeled as “collateral damage.” Millions of Native Americans “sacrificed their lives” so that we could found and expand the United States. At least 600,000 Filipinos were felled as we toiled under the crushing responsibility of our “white man’s burden.” A half million Japanese died so we could display our power to Russia, a significant threat to capitalism’s hegemony. Factor in the 135,000 at Dresden, over two million Koreans, three million Vietnamese, the aforementioned million plus in Iraq, and millions more (counting those murdered via covert operations, smaller military interventions, and by proxies like the Shah, Pinochet, and Israel…not to mention the blacks who died as a result of the slave trade and Jim Crow lynchings), and the malevolence of the Third Reich pales in comparison to the criminal enterprise known as the United States of America.
6. Aside from having developed and deployed nuclear weapons (in spite of the rest of the world being years away from attaining them and Japan’s loss of will to continue the war), we possess and continue to develop the largest nuclear arsenal on the planet. Friendly regional hegemons, like India and Israel, receive our blessing and assistance in nurturing their nuclear capabilities, sans signing the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Meanwhile, we relentlessly beat the drums of war against Iran for exercising their right (as a signatory of the NNPT) to develop a program to produce nuclear energy. How much longer can the chicken-hawks in DC refrain from unleashing atomic hell, again? How much blatant hypocrisy can the world endure?
7. Given our love affair, no scratch that, our obsession, with shopping, acquiring, owning, and consuming, we keep the Once-ler’s fat, happy, and running at full throttle. As the Truffula trees, Humming-fish, Bar-ba-loots, and Swomee- Swans disappear at an alarming rate, we’re too busy “lovin’ it” at McDonald’s and cashing in on Wal-Mart’s “always low prices” to notice or care. Global temperatures rise, ice shelves plunge into the sea, glaciers recede at alarming rates, violent storms rage, species become extinct, and bees disappear en masse as we intrepidly continue filling our two lives per gallon Hummers with inane consumer goods that we don’t need. “Keeping the economy strong” is indeed a noble calling.
8. As crafty as we are, we are not solely reliant upon military means to impose our cultural imperialism. As Milton Friedman and “the Chicago Boys” demonstrated with their experiment in Chile, neoliberalism is a powerful economic tool with which we can integrate weaker nations into our empire. Astoundingly, nation after developing nation accepted our Trojan horse of “generous” loan packages which in turn forced them to crush organized labor, privatize, deregulate, and cut or eliminate humanitarian expenditures. For many years, Fidel Castro was one of the few hold-outs in the face of our economic tyranny. With the recent emergence of leaders like Hugo Chavez and Evo Morales, hope looms on the horizon. Yet predictably, we continue to rain misery upon the people of Cuba and are desperately attempting to sell the world on the idea of pouring our food supply into our gas tanks so we can eliminate our dependence on Chavez’s oil and give him the “Fidel treatment.”
To spare ourselves the guilt of our undeniable abetment in crimes against the Earth and nearly all its sentient inhabitants, we desperately cling to the Disneyesque illusion that the United States is a benevolent “policeman to the world” that preserves and advances noble ideals like human rights and freedom.
Sorry, ladies and gentlemen, but the analyses of Hannah Arendt and Ward Churchill define our reality much more accurately. No matter how closely an individual US American might adhere to humane principles, we are all “Little Eichmanns.” We can minimize our roles, but there is no escaping participation in our nation’s virtuoso performance of “The Banality of Evil.”
God bless America?
How about God bless humanity by cursing the American Empire?
We desperately need the heavy doses of reality, constraint, and humility that the loss of our military and economic supremacy would bring….
***
Jason Miller is a wage slave of the American Empire who has freed himself intellectually and spiritually. His essays have been widely published, he is Cyrano’s Journal Online’s associate editor, and he volunteers at homeless shelters. He welcomes constructive correspondence at willpowerful@hotmail.com or via his blog, Thomas Paine’s Corner, at http://civillibertarian.blogspot.com/
Based on the outpouring of support I received for yesterdays diary entitled "Al Gore: Part of The Illuminati?", I am continuing on with what I am calling my Enlightenment Campaign For The Good Of America. I am using the Daily Kos and other internet sites even though they are inherently evil and secretly working against the Good of Humanity. You have to do what you have to do.
Today I will be highlighting the Role of Oprah Winfrey and Satanic influence.
While most people think of Oprah as a self made woman who gives generously to all people via her syndicated television show on CBS (please note the connection between CBS and Satanism in general-is it any wonder?) Oprah is really a prong in the pitchfork.
There you have it; Rosicrucianism is linked to the teachings espoused in The Secret. There's no historical evidence that Beethoven was initiated into any form of Rosicrucianism - at that time rampant throughout Central and Eastern Europe, in the form of the Gold- und Rosenkreuzer (Golden and Rosy Cross). However, it is known that Beethoven did indeed subscribe to the tenets of Pantheism. To the Rosicrucians Beethoven is a hero, and official Rosicrucian periodicals have been writing about him for years. He is an exemplary example of the power of mind (the crux of New Thought), being perfectly attuned to the heavenly "music of the spheres," or the "celestial hierarchies." Beethoven went deaf towards the end of his life and yet he created his greatest masterpiece, the Ninth Symphony in D Minor.
Although Oprah is not specifically mentioned in that excerpt, nor really in most of this article by Terry Melanson entitled Oprah Winfrey, New Thought, "The Secret" and the "New Alchemy" it is readily apparent that Oprah is from SATAN. Who else would promote healthy living and emotional well being ? SATAN, of course. SATAN is only interested in healthy individuals to carry out his plan of enslaving humanity. He is very picky. Hence, Oprah and her constant promotion of feel good and do well programming.
Just remember, the next time you watch Oprah, the devil himself could be advising you to get some exercise or to read a book instead of watching television, or to seek counseling for a substance abuse problem for you or a loved one.
As final proof of the SATAN/Oprah connection I offer you this:
Can it be any more obvious? Oprah gives away expensive merchandise on behalf of SATAN who is actually benevolent.If you do not understand this, it may be too late for you!
Josh Wolf, a professional associate whom I consider a friend, was recently released from prison. His case touched on a number of issues regarding freedom of speech in the age of online video, and I’ve taken a moment to reflect on his story and its implications.
Why did a video blogger go to jail for seven months in the aftermath of an attack on a police officer? For nearly a year, the Department of Justice has spent resources pursuing a fruitless case, and the news media couldn’t decide between labeling Josh Wolf a journalist or an anarchist — the assumption being that one has different rights to craft a media message than the other.
While the technical hurdles to create, publish and distribute video widely are easily cleared, the legal and ethical course isn’t a straight track, and freedom of speech may be losing ground in the race. If you’re shooting video you may have the right to remain silent if implicated in a crime, but your camera might not.
All the prosecutor got out of him was the tape from his camera and the same statement he probably would have given as a witness on the scene. They couldn’t force Josh to name anybody in the videotape under oath, and allowed Wolf to keep and publish the footage. A young and confident media veteran is back on the streets vowing to “commit journalism.” But the very right to edit, the right not to publish, may have been lost.
At the press conference, there were numerous rounds of applause from the assembled coterie of hacks and papparazi, myself included. Because even the professional journalists knew Wolf’s release didn’t just stand for “bloggers,” but for the practice of gathering news.
But I realized this wasn’t necessarily the glorious victory for free speech that I’d hoped while speaking to Allen Martin of CBS 5 before he filmed his segment outside a gathering of supporters, including myself. When I asked about industry practice regarding subpoenaed footage, he said that raw footage was kept about a week “and then we recycled the tapes.” Only the footage that aired was available to attorneys in court cases. “Now we’re posting all this raw footage.”
The problem with raw footage is that it’s never the whole story, though it can certainly be a very valuable part. And while the process of mediating the published message certainly gives near total room to alter the message through editorialization, it’s a critical process when attempting to tell a complete story — or at least your side of it.
Now that the footage is publicly available, its cold neutrality plays into the hands of Josh’s critics by presenting an easily caricatured image of the black clad anarchist youth set to destroy society. It can’t provide the context linking it to worldwide anti-globalization efforts, or the history and elegance of the anarchist philosophy expressed by Noam Chomsky, Rosa Luxemburg, Emma Goldman and Mikhail Bakunin.
It’s just raw footage of overly enthusiastic kids in a struggling neighborhood suddenly finding themselves with a tactical superiority over the most direct manifestation of state power and taking advantage. It doesn’t show the crime being investigated, it doesn’t show the thousands of protesters who gathered peacefully earlier in the day, it doesn’t show the dozens of perfectly peaceful evenings spent chanting and waving signs I’ve seen those very same anarchists at over the years in San Francisco and Oakland.
Josh’s footage was treated differently from the start. He had to fight for his copyrights when local stations aired his edited piece, in order to get paid as any freelance cameraman would. When the local District Attorney seemed disinclined to prosecute based on the evidence on hand, Federal prosecutors moved in to claim jurisdiction and, with such a weak case, seized on the one person they could prove was there.
At the small celebration, videobloggers turned their cameras on eachother in an effort to make sense of the situation. Having a cigarette with Wolf outside the bar, a friend came over to let him know that State Assemblyman Mark Leno couldn’t make it, but sent his support. In a speech at a fundraiser for Josh in December, Leno updated the audience that officer Peter Shields, attacked in the melee was recovering.
But that wasn’t even the case being investigated by the grand jury, and Josh eventually signed a statement denying he’d never even witnessed any violent crime or attempted arson. If Josh had been shooting footage of base jumpers trespassing to leap from a building for Current TV, would he be accused of hiding behind journalistic privelege to avoid being labeled an accomplice? If every message we receive from mainstream media didn’t equate anarchist political philosophy with antisocial violence, would he have had his credentials as a reporter questioned?
The message sent is that telling the stories of people who question the benevolence of global corporate capitalism is tantamount to sedition by association; that all cameras are mere evidentiary tools; that you don’t ultimately have any right to mediate their output when a court comes calling; and that the cases taken up and decisions reached by those courts flutter in the wind of political patronage, vindictive bureaucrats and the public perception metrics machine of pollsters and pundits.
Zinn: Patriotism to me means really what the Declaration of Independence suggests. And that is that government is an artificial entity.Government is set up--and here's what a Declaration of Independence is about, government is set up by the people in order to fulfill certain responsibilities: equality, life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness. And according to the Declaration of Independence when the government violates those responsibilities, then, and these are the words of the Declaration of Independence it is the right of the people to alter or abolish the government.
An instruction for the adoration of the Sun four times daily, with the object of composing the mind to meditation, thus to bring conscious relation with the center of our system; for advanced students, to make actual Magical contact with the Spiritual energy of the Sun and thus to draw actual force from Him.
Liber Resh vel Helios
sub figura CC
Publication in class D
0. These are the adorations to be performed by aspirants to the A.·. A.·.
1. Let him greet the Sun at dawn, facing East, giving the sign of his grade. And let him say in a loud voice:
Hail unto Thee who art Ra in Thy rising, even unto Thee who art Ra in Thy strength, who travellest over the Heavens in Thy bark at the Uprising of the Sun.
Tahuti standeth in His splendour at the prow, and Ra-Hoor abideth at the helm.
Hail unto Thee from the Abodes of Night!
2. Also at Noon, let him greet the Sun, facing South, giving the sign of his grade. And let him say in a loud voice:
Hail unto Thee who art Ahathoor in Thy triumphing, even unto Thee who art Ahathoor in Thy beauty, who travellest over the heavens in thy bark at the Mid-course of the Sun.
Tahuti standeth in His splendour at the prow, and Ra-Hoor abideth at the helm.
Hail unto Thee from the Abodes of Morning!
3. Also, at Sunset, let him greet the Sun, facing West, giving the sign of his grade. And let him say in a loud voice:
Hail unto Thee who art Tum in Thy setting, even unto Thee who art Tum in Thy joy, who travellest over the Heavens in Thy bark at the Down-going of the Sun.
Tahuti standeth in His splendour at the prow, and Ra-Hoor abideth at the helm.
Hail unto Thee from the Abodes of Day!
4. Lastly, at Midnight, let him greet the Sun, facing North, giving the sign of his grade, and let him say in a loud voice:
Hail unto thee who art Khephra in Thy hiding, even unto Thee who art Khephra in Thy silence, who travellest over the heavens in Thy bark at the Midnight Hour of the Sun.
Tahuti standeth in His splendour at the prow, and Ra-Hoor abideth at the helm.
Hail unto Thee from the Abodes of Evening.
5. And after each of these invocations thou shalt give the sign of silence, and afterward thou shalt perform the adoration that is taught thee by thy Superior. And then do thou compose Thyself to holy meditation.
6. Also it is better if in these adorations thou assume the God-form of Whom thou adorest, as if thou didst unite with Him in the adoration of That which is beyond Him.
7. Thus shalt thou ever be mindful of the Great Work which thou hast undertaken to perform, and thus shalt thou be strengthened to pursue it unto the attainment of the Stone of the Wise, the Summum Bonum, True Wisdom and Perfect Happiness.
A mother cat in China has adopted a mouse, letting it join her family of newborns.
The cat was brought into a children's clothing store to catch mice, reports Yanzhao City News.
Ten days ago, the cat gave birth to five kittens.
"She stays in the box all day long, taking care of her babies, but three days ago, my colleague found a small mouse playing with the kittens," said a spokesperson for the store in Shijiazhuang city.
"The cat was protecting the mouse, and would become alert if anyone came too close."
The store staff threw the mouse out once, but immediately the cat ran to bring it back and let it play with her kittens.
Experts say it's quite exceptional, but that maybe the cat became lenient after becoming a mother.
The debate continues: Is he a journalist or an activist?
Josh Wolf, the videoblogger who became a 1st Amendment hero, was released last Tuesday after spending seven and a half months in a California federal prison for refusing to turn over video he shot of a 2005 protest. At the protest a cop was injured and a police car was allegedly set on fire. Federal prosecutors demanded Wolf turn over his tapes. He refused and was sent to prison, becoming a cause celeb for anarchists, bloggers and many mainstream reporters.
Wolf’s release came after he reached an agreement with prosecutors that stipulated the 24 year-old post the unedited video of the protest on his site, JoshWolf.net, give the government a copy and tell a judge he had not witnessed any crimes being committed. In turn, he was promised he would not be called to testify. When he walked out of the federal detention center in Dublin, Ca. he had served the longest prison term of any journalist in American history for refusing to cooperate with a government investigation. [Read more of GNN’s coverage of the case here].
But the deal and his subsequent release have not ended the controversy. Some are calling him a sell-out for reaching an agreement with the government with others saying the outcome only solidified his status of martyr for the digital age. And the debate still rages on the fundamental legal question his case raised: Is Wolf a journalist or an activist? Or should it even matter in the age of blogging?
In a recent telephone interview while still in federal prison with Yahoo’s Kevin Sites the veteran war correspondent asked Wolf, “If there had been a situation where you saw a protestor beating up a police officer, or you saw them committing arson, would you have shot that?” Wolf appeared to leave open the possibility that he might not shoot the incident, which would seem to give credence to his critics’ charge that he is, at heart, an activist and should not be afforded the protections of a journalist. In a recent blog, I wrote that while I’m a longtime supporter I found that the blogger’s answers to Sites’ questions seemed “weasely.” In response, Wolf sent me an explanatory email, which began a lengthy email discussion. The following is our email exchange verbatim, republished with permission by both parties:
Wolf: Hey Anthony, while I certainly see where you are coming from in regards to the Kevin Sites interview, it’s important to keep in mind that a prison is not exactly a natural environment to conduct an interview – especially when the interviews are supposed to be capped at 15 minutes (I think the admin let that interview with Kevin run about 5 minutes longer).
The question Kevin asked was a rather pointed question, and while I do stand by my answer: I’d have to make that decision at the moment; I think that some explanation as to why I made such a statement is needed. First off, in my four years of shooting protests I’ve never seen a protester just attack police in the way Kevin describes. I’ve seen protesters fight back on several occasions but every time I’ve witnessed an altercation the police have been the aggressor. It is my responsibility to cover my subject matter as accurately as I can and this means making the decision what to film and what not to film on a constant basis. I don’t make this decision around who is going to look good or bad, and I wasn’t thinking that way at the time that I filmed the G8 protest.
To you, my answer may have seemed weasely, but it is the honest truth. I can’t say that I would decide to film the police being attacked any more than I can say I would film this or that. It depends on what I was filming at the time and what effect would result if I filmed something else. The point of the matter is that I first became aware of the altercation with the other cop when I heard someone yell “officer down,” at which point I assessed the situation and concluded that I would not be able to approach that area and my camera was best suited to staying right where I was.
Lappe: Thanks for the response. He was asking you a hypothetical question which imo was pretty straight forward, and you appear to waffle and leave open the possibility that you wouldn’t shoot someone that is obviously newsworthy and important. Whether you’ve never seen that happen before is not really the issue. Your qualifications below are noted, but confuse the matter. He was obviously asking you in theory would you shoot it if you were in the right position to do it – in other words, it’s perfectly clear the intent of his question – he’s asking you if you’d let your political sympathies influence what you choose to film and you appear to say you don’t know, they might. If that’s not the case, then let’s set the record straight.
Let me rephrase his question for the record: If a protester attacked a cop unprovoked in front of you and you weren’t shooting at the time, would you turn on the camera and start rolling?
Glad you’re out. You fought the good fight. Anthony
Wolf: Thanks for the response Anthony, while in light of the back story of Kevin’s own experience filming the soldier shooting the Iraqi I would have answered the question in a more direct manner, I did not know these circumstances at the time of his interview with me. How realistic a hypothetical question is is actually quite relevant, but I see why you personally disagree. What appears obvious to you regarding me having the opportunity to film it was not to me. The other side to the question which may seem immaterial to you, but is not to me, and wasn’t at the time is what would I stop filming in order to film this hypothetical. If given the choice between possibly filming one thing that’s newsworthy and continuing to film something else that’s newsworthy, I could conceivably make either decision.
A far more sensible question is what I would do if I were to witness an unprovoked attack on a police officer while filming. The answer is that I would continue filming the entire altercation and would elect to publish the material as part of my reportage. It is somewhat likely that I would elect to blur out the protester’s identity as I do not feel it is my job as a journalist to aid and assist law enforcement in their investigation.
The fact of the matter is that I have never seen any attack, by protester or otherwise, that was truly unprovoked and I feel that the most important element to these sorts of situations in regards to newsworthiness is not who did what, but what led up to such an explosive situation in the first place.
Wolf: I would not hide the U.S. Marine’s identity on the grounds that the U.S. Marine was acting as the United States; the public was, in essence, subsidizing the Iraqi’s murder. If he was not acting as a public servant then the matter would need to be assessed from a different perspective. It is not my belief that service men on-duty have any reasonable expectations of privacy whereas an independent individual does.
Lappe: One last follow up. Why does an individual who is taking part in a public demonstration on a street who attacks a cop have a reasonable expectation of privacy?
Wolf: They should not, by any means, have any expectation of complete privacy. After all, the police generally maintain their own surveillance and any localized security cameras would likely be subpoenaed by the prosecution without any difficulty, but, as a journalist, it is not my job to aid the government in their criminal investigations of private citizens.
Lappe: Last questions. I promise. It still seems to me you are acting as censor of information that you feel may harm people whose views you support. You appear to be making a decision on what you think is in the public’s right to know and what isn’t to protect your political allies – the very charge you and your lawyers argued so persuasively that you weren’t doing in court and in the media.
You said you’d black out the face (protect the identity) of a protester you filmed attacking a cop but you wouldn’t protect the identity of a Marine because he is an employee of the U.S. government. Would you protect the identity of an alleged bank robber or an alleged rapist you filmed in the act? They are private citizens. If not, why is a protester attacking a police officer different? Finally, if you were filming an anti-abortion rally that got violent would you protect the identity of the anti-abortion protesters?
Thanks very much for your candor and time.
Wolf: Your suggestion that it’s a distinction based on content and not context isn’t really accurate. I’ll admit the ethics that I have loosely settled on surrounding these series of hypotheticals is not without its flaws. The truth is that I’ve never previously contemplated these issues in such a manner and that few journalists face these issues very frequently.
From the SPJ code of ethics:
Recognize that private people have a greater right to control information about themselves than do public officials and others who seek power, influence or attention. Only an overriding public need can justify intrusion into anyone’s privacy.
Be cautious about identifying juvenile suspects or victims of sex crimes.
Be judicious about naming criminal suspects before the formal filing of
charges.
Balance a criminal suspect’s fair trial rights with the public’s right to be informed.
In answer to your most recent inquiries, I will start with the rape hypothetical. If I was somehow incidentally privy to a rape, then I could not in good conscience film such activity at all; although the footage would have evidential value in a criminal case, it would be far more important to do everything within my means to stop the rape from continuing. This is different from the attack on the police officer scenario as any attack is almost certainly be a single strike followed by brutal retaliation or a quick escape. Further, I could never knowingly cover a story that involved unprovoked violence against human life.
The bank robbery scenario is a bit more realistic. It is conceivable that one might want to report on a political group engaging in bank robberies (IE the SLA); if one were to do so and decide to film a bank robbery in progress (which I probably would never do as it would open myself up to a tremendous liability for conspiracy charges), I would need to make a prior agreement as to whether or not I would block out their faces and would hold myself to that agreement.
Finally, in regards to the anti-abortion activist attack, I would pixelate the activists’ faces. In reality though, this all becomes muddy around any issue involving violence against people. The simple answer to all of these questions is that I really don’t know what I’d do an the subtleties of the situation would probably help form and cement my views on these ethical issues. The reality is that all of us can say what we would do in such situations, but few of us will have to actually make such decisions.
Journalistic ethics is something important for all of us, both independent and established journalists, and I think we as a community and individuals really need to take some time to reflect upon such pressing issues. There are positive and negative approaches to any decision around journalistic ethics and I don’t have any real answers. My case has brought up a lot of these questions, and when I said what I did to Kevin, it was not an attempt to dodge the question. It was an honest response, and if the form of the question had asked whether I would have continued filming an attack on a police officer that was already rolling then my answer would have been a simple yes. What hung me up was what I’d stop filming to capture the hypothetical situation.
The issues are complicated and remind me of the dissenting opinion in Branzburg v. Hayes by Justice Douglas:
“Two principles which follow from this understanding of the First Amendment are at stake here. One is that the people, the ultimate governors, must have absolute freedom of, and therefore privacy of, their individual opinions and beliefs regardless of how suspect or strange they may appear to others. Ancillary to that principle is the conclusion that an individual must also have absolute privacy over whatever information he may generate in the course of testing his opinions and beliefs. In this regard, Caldwell’s status as a reporter is less relevant than is his status as a student who affirmatively pursued empirical research to enlarge his own intellectual viewpoint. *[p715]* The second principle is that effective self-government cannot succeed unless the people are immersed in a steady, robust, unimpeded, and uncensored flow of opinion and reporting which are continuously subjected to critique, rebuttal, and reexamination. In this respect, Caldwell’s status as a news gatherer and an integral part of that process becomes critical.”
We need an open and extended public conversation about journalistic ethics, “a steady, robust, unimpeded, and uncensored flow of opinion and reporting” about these issues. I created Free the Media (www.mediafreedoms.net) as a space to possibly have such a conversation and will be posting a forum on this issue within the next twenty-four hours.
Posted by anthony
Anthony Lappé is GNN's Executive Editor. He's written for The New York Times, Details, New York, Paper, The Fader and Vice, among many others. He has worked as a producer for MTV and Fuse. He is the co-author of GNN's True Lies and the producer of their Iraq doc,...
The following is their email exchange verbatim, republished with permission by both parties
I don’t get it. Isn’t the e-mail exchange between YOU and Wolf? Or did I miss something? The sentence quoted above makes it seem that Wolf’s e-mail exchange is between him and someone else (not YOU)....or someone else wrote this article about you.
I didn’t get a chance to vote but I would clarify that sentence.
Also, there was a missing question and answer in there concerning whether he would protect the identity of a Marine. Inserted. The intw should make more sense now.
Interesting interview! A lot of great points raised on the subtle nuances of journalistic responsibility… It seems it’s nearly impossible to report without bias, especially in this day and age of blogging and casual reporting styles. Also, as we’ve noticed with Fox.. people dig bias.. people LIKE it when you take a side and tell them what they’re supposed to think. Anyway, good food for thought, Anthony.
It seems it’s nearly impossible to report without bias, especially in this day and age of blogging and casual reporting styles.
That’s because it is impossible. Reporting would be far better if the media/journalists would cut the crap and just report what happened without trying to be unbiased, because they never ever can be. At best they can be semi-objective and even then it’s still a person reporting and they bring their biases and perspective to the reporting. As people learn and decide who they can trust, the reporting improves, and you get people like Murrow and reporting of his caliber.
What I was trying to get at here is there is a difference between being sympathetic to a cause or a person and actually covering up important information – like blacking out a person’s face. In light of recent revelations about police surveillance of protesters, I am personally sympathetic to Wolf’s point. But I don’t really see how his logic holds up. Where do you draw the line? How can someone who is taking part in a public demonstration have an expectation of privacy? While he quotes SPJ’s ethics guidelines and Justice Douglas to dramatic effect his ideas about protecting identities are not shared by any journalists I know. And there is a reason for that. It’s impossible to draw up a cohesive set of rules of who you would protect and who you wouldn’t in those circumstances. All that said, I have tremendous admiration for the stand he took in this particular case, which was absurd.
`The video’ cannot be considered free speech. The Josh Wolf result may be precedent in establishing “the video” as a non-free-speech medium (as opposed to reporters’ notes). Anarchists, the civil disobedient, and the like, should accept this and prepare accordingly.
dw- this isn’t a case of what is or isn’t free speech
it’s a case concerning a journalists’ right of privelege, can he/she protect their sources/source material from subpoena and what is the definition of journalist
can he/she protect their sources/source material from subpoena
I don’t think “the video” should be considered like a “voice recorder.”
My thought is, it doesn’t serve the journalist (or anyone else).
I do consider everyone a journalist.
I would be curious as to precedent on open (air) recording vs. interview recording. They should be different.
“In light of recent revelations about police surveillance of protesters, I am personally sympathetic to Wolf’s point. But I don’t really see how his logic holds up. ”
I have respect for what he did but agree completely. He’s trying to make it sound like it’s a logical response to black out these but not these but really he’s just picking sides and protecting those on his side, If he was conservative in his views I’m sure he’d have a nice job over at fox by now….
We live in a police state, activist are so often the victims of overeager government surveillance, repressions, etc, that there is a new journalism ethic for those who are a part of the anti-globalization, anarcho, anti-authoritarian movements and that is “never shoot anything that the state can use against people,” which is not to say you don’t shoot the incident, but rather you shoot it in a way in which doesn’t subject any of the participants to prosecution. I’m think situations where anarchists thrash a recruitment station, shoot it from behind and from a distance so your viewers will get a feel of what went down and you don’t hand activist over to the prison system. It doesn’t matter if Josh is a activist or a journalist, our 1st amendment when it guaranteed our right to press, was thinking of the partisan press which was the press of their time, activist or not Josh is still be a journalist. Our unsavory current media system is based on and antiseptic notion of objectivity, objectivity in reporting has brought us news with no context socially of historically.
I get Anthony’s point … that the journalist … should not take into consideration the legal ramifications of participants if it is news worthy.
Now … we all know that the “Man” makes the laws … and controls the Police and Justice … rebelling against him will undoubtedly result in the breaking of the law …
... reporting on such events therefore takes into consideration the “Man’s” power to intimidate and use the Laws to silence & punnish dissent … so to protect all parties as much as possible while trying to legitimately cover the news requires a creative approach … and a dilemma not necessarily faced by traditional journalists.
If a journalist does not film a protester being silenced and wressled to the floor by security during a politicians appearance … technically against the protesters right to express himself … is that journalist not choosing what is news worthy at the time.
Is that journalist forced to take his camera off the politician in mid speech because he might feel that the security is breaking the law?
If he chooses not to film the skirmish ... does he cease to be a journalist?
I don’t really think you have the right to disrupt a politician’s speech any more than you have the right to heckle a comedian and not expect to get kicked out of the club.
that clearly was not my point … and kinda why i used it as an example.
the difference between your rights and the law also come into play.
Is that journalist forced to take his camera off the politician in mid speech because he might feel that the security is breaking the law
i could have just as easily said : Is that journalist forced to take his camera off the politician in mid speech because he might feel that the protester is breaking the law?
does the journalist not make a judgement call at that particular moment… i mean… are you obliged to film some jaywalking or turn your camera to someone speeding instead of covering an accident?
Anthony Lappe of the progressive Guerrilla News Network said that Wolf’s “oeuvre as a journalist, radical or not, is thin” consisting mainly of “online rants and what I call ‘protest porn’—contextless video of radical protests
*
From The Economist-Do bloggers enjoy the same rights as journalists—and what would those be?From Salon-First Amendment martyr?From San Bernardino Sun-Blogger's long time in jail served to protect nothingFrom New Orleans True Video-Anarchy in New OrleansFrom Silver in SF-josh wolf coming to US
[my addition]
JULY 4, 2005 http://www.joshwolf.net/blog/?p=71
The United Neighborhoods of San Francisco
...
We instruct the Board of Supervisors of the city and county of San Francisco and all other appropriate legal representatives of this city, to amend the City Charter in all such ways as are required in order to establish and clarify the lawful standing of the United Neighborhood of San Francisco as a sovereign nation per this Declaration and to inform the government of the United States of America of our separate and sovereign status in a timely and appropriate manner.
july 8, 2005 - josh wolf, a san francisco journalist and video blogger, videotapes an anti-G8 protest in san francisco.
august 1, 2006 - after refusing to turn over footage to federal officials, josh is put in jail.
april 3, 2007 - after serving the longest jail-time for a US journalist protecting source materials, josh is released from jail.
next monday, april 23, 2007 - josh wolf comes to USF to give a free and public talk. mark your calendars - 4-6 pm - and tell a friend.
USF students: if you belong to a student organization that wants to get involved, please contact teresa moore or me immediately.
more details to follow.
Posted by david silverx
The level of misunderstanding and utter inaccuracy in the reporting on the release of videographer and blogger Josh Wolf has been astonishing. Since Wolf was released from federal custody April 3, it seems as if everyone is taking a swipe at the 24-year-old, who set a record as the longest imprisoned journalist in American history.
The way much of the press covered the story, it would seem that Wolf gave up, abandoned his principles, and handed the government what it wanted; or he wasn't really a journalist; or what he had wasn't worth protecting.
But as Sarah Phelan reports ("Who Blinked?," page 15), those critics are all completely missing the point.
The facts: Wolf filmed an anarchist demonstration during which a San Francisco police car was slightly damaged and a cop was hit over the head. The San Francisco Police Department contacted the feds, who decided that since the city gets federal funding for police equipment, the damage to a taillight worth maybe $20 was enough to make this a federal case.
Wolf posted some clips from his footage on his Web site. Then a federal grand jury subpoenaed Wolf and demanded that he turn over all of the video — and that he come and testify about it under oath.
Wolf said from the start the video showed nothing that would be useful to the assault and vandalism investigations. He begged federal Judge William Alsup to look at the outtakes himself so that he could see the material was irrelevant. Alsup refused.
But the video was never the central issue. Wolf was in jail because he wouldn't appear in a secret proceding before a grand jury without a lawyer and answer any questions under oath that the prosecution might have about the demonstration. He might have been asked to identify participants, to talk about any private information they had given him — in effect, to become a government agent in the investigation.
As the American Civil Liberties Union pointed out in a brief supporting Wolf, the FBI has been investigating activists all over the country. Once the grand jury started asking Wolf questions, he could have been forced to aid those investigations.
After almost eight months, a mediator was able to come up with a compromise. Wolf posted the rest of the video on the Web and gave it to the feds; as he had said all along, it showed nothing relevant. More important, though, he was able to avoid becoming a witness for the prosecution. All he had to do was say under oath that he didn't know who hit the cop or damaged the car. Which he has been saying all along.
So this was in no way a capitulation to the authorities — and was by no means a moot issue. Wolf was standing firmly behind the journalistic principle that no reporter should become an agent of law enforcement. None of this was Wolf's fault — it was the fault of the local cops, the federal prosecutors, and the judge. Wolf's release after seven and a half months was a victory for free press and the First Amendment — and his incarceration ought to be strong grounds for Congress to pass a federal shield law.
ASSEMBLY ELECTIONS Cardiff Anarchists have launched a Vote Nobody campaign They say there is a dominant force in Welsh politics, and it has been ignored for too long. In the last election 62% of the Welsh public voted for Nobody, yet the politicians still did not get the message. "This time we'll make it an even more resounding victory by boycotting the elections. Have you ever noticed that nothing changes, whichever party is in power? "Time and again we are asked to trundle down to the polling station and choose between a couple of carbon-copy candidates from the 'lets accommodate big business party'. "They campaign with near-identical policies on issues that bare no relevance to 99% of people, while ignoring the issues that have communities by the throat. Only 1 in 7 people voted for Rhodri Morgan last time, yet still he has the cheek to stay in office. Alex Smith, of the Cardiff Anarchist Network, Nobody’s spokesperson said: “Choosing between politicians in our fake democracy is like choosing between Coke and Pepsi, they're all the same, just with slightly different packaging, sowhy not vote nobody, and start taking control of your own life." "We say Vote Nobody because Nobody cares... . . . about the Health Service 502 acute hospital beds - an entire Welsh hospital’s worth - are clogged up by bed-blocking. Ambulances are queuing outside hospitals unable to offload patients. . . . about Our Children The UK is the 4th-largest economy in the world but has one of the highest levels of child poverty of all industrialised countries. Recent figures show that 27% of children in Wales live in poverty! . . . about Human Life Welsh troops continue to fight and die in wars in the Middle East to protect US oil interests. Does Rhodri Morgan support these wars which have resulted in the deaths of over 600,000 Iraqis? He’s not saying! Nobody seriously opposed the war! . . . about the Environment Global warming is a proven fact. We need to reduce our consumption of oil and gas, not increase it! The development of a liquid natural gas (LNG) terminal in Milford Haven is absurd, and the building of a massive and very dangerous pipeline to ship the pressurised gas across Wales is madness! Locals fearing for their safety have had their questions ignored. . . . about Our Jobs Unemployment across Wales has been increasing for 10 consecutive months, in some places by up to 35%. Over 600 manufacturing jobs have been lost in mid-Wales since 2001. 300 jobs have gone at Burberry in the Rhondda, and more will go at the Corus Steelworks after the takeover by yet another multinational company. . . . about Transport The Roads are clogged with cars and lorries, and our privatised train and bus services are among the worst and in Europe. . . . about the Housing Crisis According to Cymru, 53,000 people are trying to find decent accommodation from their local authorities. So what is the Assembly government doing about it? Encouraging councils to sell off and privatise council housing. The result? Less rights for tenants and fat salaries for housing association bosses.
Biological models of sex tend to view love as a mammalian drive, much like hunger or thirst. Helen Fisher, a leading expert in the topic of love, divides the experience of love into three partly-overlapping stages: lust, attraction, and attachment. Lust exposes people to others, romantic attraction encourages people to focus their energy on mating, and attachment involves tolerating the spouse long enough to rear a child into infancy.
Lust is the initial passionate sexual desire that promotes mating, and involves the increased release of chemicals such as testosterone and estrogen. These effects rarely last more than a few weeks or months. Attraction is the more individualized and romantic desire for a specific candidate for mating, which develops out of lust as commitment to an individual mate forms. Recent studies in neuroscience have indicated that as people fall in love, the brain consistently releases a certain set of chemicals, including dopamine, norepinephrine, and serotonin, which act similar to amphetamines, stimulating the brain's pleasure center and leading to side-effects such as an increased heart rate, loss of appetite and sleep, and an intense feeling of excitement. Research has indicated that this stage generally lasts from one and a half to three years.
Since the lust and attraction stages are both considered temporary, a third stage is needed to account for long-term relationships. Attachment is the bonding which promotes relationships that last for many years, and even decades. Attachment is generally based on commitments such as marriage and children, or on mutual friendship based on things like shared interests. It has been linked to higher levels of the chemicals oxytocin and vasopressin than short-term relationships have.
In 2005, Italian scientists at Pavia University found that a protein molecule known as the nerve growth factor (NGF) has high levels when people first fall in love, but these levels return to as they were after one year. Specifically, four neurotrophin levels, i.e. NGF, BDNF, NT-3, and NT-4, of 58 subjects who had recently fallen in love were compared with levels in a control group who were either single or already engaged in a long-term relationship. The results showed that NGF levels were significantly higher in the subjects in love than as compared to either of the control groups.
[from Wikipedia]
also see: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oneness_%28concept%29
Today is the final installment of Sam Seder's daily show on Air America Radio. I hope you'll tune in, call in, and give him a strong send-off as he moves into a new Sunday show for the network.
I wouldn't be on the path I'm on without Sam, and his former "Majority Report" co-host Janeane Garofalo, giving me the opportunity to contribute to their show. For that I'm forever grateful.
But beyond the positive impact Sam has had on me personally, he has had a greater impact on radio.
In turning to me and other bloggers as regular guests, Sam was the first to recognize how blogs and radio can work together. How an army of bloggers function as volunteer researchers, digging up stories, making connections, offering fresh perspectives that aren't being provided in traditional media. How a show's own blog can give listeners the ability to communicate with the hosts in real time, and build community.
Sam also picked the difficult lock of combining sharp humor with substantive news analysis, which liberal talk radio needs both of to be profitable and meaningful.
There's always been a ongoing question whether liberal talk radio is a business or a cause. It should be both.
It should be entertaining enough to attract listeners, it should inform those listeners better than the vapid mainstream media, and it should channel the energies of those listeners to push the political and media establishments in a better direction. If it's not doing all of that, what's the point?
Sam knows what the point is.
Even if I find the decision to replace him during the week to be deeply misguided, I take solace knowing that on his new Sunday show, he will provide a desperately needed alternative to the Washington cocktail party groupthink that passes as insight on Sunday morning TV. And the more popular "Seder on Sundays" becomes, the more influence it will have on the punditocracy.
I have faith liberal talk radio will become a firmly established part of our national discourse. But it will not get there by defensively denying any association with "ideology". It will get there with the vision that pioneers like Sam have established.
In early April, A South Korean cab driver set himself on fire in protest of the new free trade agreement between the United States and South Korea. The trade agreement, opposed by most Koreans according to a recent poll, would have a negative impact on working class Americans as well argues Christine Ahn, a policy analyst with the Korea Policy Institute and the national coordinator of Korean Americans for Fair Trade.
On April 1, as trade negotiators from the United States and South Korea were finalizing a trade agreement, 54-year-old taxicab driver Heo Seowook poured 1.5 liters of gasoline on his body and set himself on fire outside the Hyatt Hotel in Seoul. His body engulfed in flames, he screamed, “Stop the Korea-U.S. FTA negotiations!”
Heo’s sacrifice didn’t stop negotiators from signing the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (Korus FTA).
Although this FTA is poised to reshape the landscape of South Korea and become the United States’ second largest trade deal after NAFTA, Americans have heard virtually nothing about it. The few times it has been discussed, trade ministers have framed it as a commercial agreement that will make trade between countries easier by eliminating complicated government codes and regulations that stifle innovation and commerce.
But this generic and abstract appeal breaks down as soon as we get into the specifics of how corporate interests will use the FTA in ways that will dramatically influence the lives of ordinary Americans and Koreans. The agreement will eliminate major industries and jobs in both countries while emboldening the rights of corporations to undermine public laws meant to protect ordinary workers, farmers and the disadvantaged.
Take, for example, access to medicine. South Korea has a universal healthcare system that reimburses people for medicine on a “preferred drug list,” largely generics and lower priced drugs. Wendy Cutler, the chief U.S. negotiator, has argued that this system “would end up discriminating against and limiting the access of Korean patients and doctors to the most innovative drugs in the world.”
More
http://news.newamericamedia.org/news/view_article.html?article_id=a70b2367511350d93e2c0720e80873a5
During the heyday of the anti-globalization movement, anarchists were at the forefront of the global struggle against capitalism, but the movement in the USA lost its groove after Sept. 11th. Recently, at the Zapatista Encuentro, anarchists from across Mexico, including anarchists involved with APPO in Oaxaca, declared their desire for a continental cross-border network for solidarity, mutual aid, and direct action. Let's get together to discuss this network proposal!
Anarchist Assembly
65 fifth ave
the new school
room 212
sunday, april 15th, 4-8pm
Right at the end of the NYC Anarchist Bookfair. For more info on the bookfair: http://www.anarchistbookfair.net
During the heyday of the anti-globalization movement, anarchists were at the forefront of the global struggle against capitalism, but the movement in the USA lost its groove after Sept. 11th. Recently, at the Zapatista Encuentro, anarchists from across Mexico, including anarchists involved with APPO in Oaxaca, declared their desire for a continental cross-border network for solidarity, mutual aid, and direct action. Let's get together to discuss this network proposal!
Why a Network?
In North America, there have been, effectively, no such large-scale actions since Miami, and the limited actions in New York against the RNC. In part this is due to repression and the flight of our earlier allies. Yet the national mood has changed. In the rest of the world, the post-911 slump has long since begun to reverse itself. The Dissent! Network formed in the UK for the G8 meetings in Scotland in 2005 and now functioning in Germany for the G8 2007 has proved that anarchistic networks can take the lead in organizing effective direct actions in this day and age. At the same time, in the US, interest in such a network keeps sputtering along without anything actually coming together.
This is a crisis we feel for two reasons. First of all, because existing informal networks have proved clearly inadequate for large-scale direct action mobilization. There are hundreds of young people enthusiastic about organizing new actions and initiatives but with little experience in how to do so, and hundreds, if not thousands, of direct action veterans scattered around the country with years of skills and experience, and almost no way to bring them together effectively. New generations of activists literally don’t know who to call. It seems to us high time we recognize our responsibility to one another, as a community.
Second of all, a new round of struggle has begun in deadly earnest in Mexico, most dramatically with the Zapatista’s Otra Campaña and the uprising in Oaxaca. You don’t have to be an anarchist to realize that the borders between the US and Mexico are becoming increasingly artificial and meaningless (except as a means of oppression). Increasingly, Mexican anarchists need to able to easily communicate with American counterparts who may not have personally done work in Mexico. Like the younger activists in the US, it is difficult outside the US to know who to call in some events. There was much talk of this, particularly from anarchists from Mexico, at the last Zapatista encuentro in January. European and Asian activists often voice similar complaints. It seems time, then, we think about our responsibilities to the global community of which we are a part as well.
Organization is not a value in itself but neither is it an evil in itself; common sense suggests that different projects will require different sorts of organization and it’s foolish to apply some kind of prefabricated, cookie-cutter approach to every one of them. Yet it’s also possible to learn from experience. Experience by now pretty strongly indicates that if the aim is to be able to organize effective large-scale actions and mobilizations, particularly on a continental scale, a network of networks seem to be what works. This is particularly true if one aims to organize those actions democratically. It’s hard to think of any large-scale mobilizations - or any one that’s are simply limited to marching around with signs - being organized by anything else.
Proposal for an Anarchist Network in the USA
Proposal 1. A network is based not on ideology but on a broad consensus on goals, a desire to take direct action, and agreement that we wish to take action in a way that reflects a shared commitment to egalitarian decision-making. It’s in this sense the network is anarchist: it operates on anarchist principles. Participation is not limited to those who consider themselves “anarchists” in the ideological sense of the term.
Proposal 2.To join the network is to agree to the PGA Hallmarks:
1.A very clear rejection of capitalism, imperialism and feudalism; all trade agreements, institutions and governments that promote destructive globalisation.
2.We reject all forms and systems of domination and discrimination including, but not limited to, patriarchy, racism and religious fundamentalism of all creeds. We embrace the full dignity of all human beings.
3.A confrontational attitude, since we do not think that lobbying can have a major impact in such biased and undemocratic organisations, in which transnational capital is the only real policy-maker;
4.A call to direct action and civil disobedience, support for social movements' struggles, advocating forms of resistance which maximize respect for life and oppressed peoples' rights, as well as the construction of local alternatives to global capitalism.
5. An organizational philosophy based on decentralization and autonomy.
Proposal 3. The network should be based in already-existing local groups and initiatives, who should retain own name and not become mere “locals” or “chapters” of a wider network.” Particular initiatives and calls to action will not be in the name of the network as a whole but come from participating groups. The main purpose of the network as a whole will be to provide the infrastructure for resulting convergences and mobilizations.
Proposal 4. Due to the size of the North American Continent, face-to-face meetings should be localized to bioregions, with wider meetings happening virtually over the Internet, or face-to-face once a year.
Proposal 5. Our initial focus will be o “No Borders” and the upcoming Convention actions in the USA (though not limited to these). We will make sure the Network is bilingual and created jointly with anarchists in Mexico.
Proposal 6. The network will be open and public. We will hold interest meetings at Bookfairs, the Earth First! Rendezvous, Social Forum, and beyond, but also hold an actual network meeting somewhere on the East Coast, West Coast, and Mid-West, and at least one place in Mexico, at east once a year.
Proposal 7. Every group is encouraged to work with others in the network around practical tasks such as comms, propaganda, medics, legal, in order to help facilitate infrastructure for continental mobilizations against capitalism. They will thus be able to form continental Working Groups that meet virtually and have their own autonomy.
Proposal 8. More immediately, participants will immediately start assembling a direct action solidarity resource base (possibly to be eventually made available on the Internet) of the location of trained facilitators, facilitation trainers, medics, legal teams, media collectives or those with media experience, people with access to printing resources or plumbing/electric, and so forth, willing to volunteer their time, energy, or possible spaces to projects within their cities or regions. This should be a crucial resource for anyone
I, like probably most of you, have seen Michael Moore’s Fahrenheit 9/11. Its title is a parody of the title of Ray Bradbury’s great science fiction novel, Fahrenheit 451. This temperature 451° Fahrenheit, is the combustion point, incidentally, of paper, of which books are composed. The hero of Bradbury’s novel is a municipal worker whose job is burning books.
And on the subject of burning books: I want to congratulate librarians, not famous for their physical strength or their powerful political connections or their great wealth, who, all over this country, have staunchly resisted anti-democratic bullies who have tried to remove certain books from their shelves, and have refused to reveal to thought police the names of persons who have checked out those titles.
So the America I loved still exists, if not in the White House or the Supreme Court or the Senate or the House of Representatives or the media. The America I love still exists at the front desks of our public libraries.
And still on the subject of books: Our daily sources of news, papers and TV, are now so craven, so unvigilant on behalf of the American people, so uninformative, that only in books can we find out what is really going on. I will cite an example: House of Bush, House of Saud by Craig Unger, published near the start of this humiliating, shameful blood-soaked year.
In case you haven’t noticed, and as a result of a shamelessly rigged election in Florida, in which thousands of African Americans were arbitrarily disenfranchised, we now present ourselves to the rest of the world as proud, grinning, jut-jawed, pitiless war lovers, with appallingly powerful weaponry and unopposed.
In case you haven’t noticed, we are now almost as feared and hated all over the world as the Nazis were.
With good reason.
In case you haven’t noticed, our unelected leaders have dehumanized millions and millions of human beings simply because of their religion and race. We wound and kill ’em and torture ’em and imprison ’em all we want.
Piece of cake.
In case you haven’t noticed, we also dehumanize our own soldiers, not because of their religion or race, but because of their low social class.
Send ’em anywhere. Make ’em do anything.
Piece of cake.
The O’Reilly Factor.
So I am a man without a country, except for the librarians and the Chicago-based magazine you are reading, In These Times.
Before we attacked Iraq, the majestic New York Times guaranteed that there were weapons of mass destruction there.
Albert Einstein and Mark Twain gave up on the human race at the end of their lives, even though Twain hadn’t even seen World War I. War is now a form of TV entertainment. And what made WWI so particularly entertaining were two American inventions, barbed wire and the machine gun. Shrapnel was invented by an Englishman of the same name. Don’t you wish you could have something named after you?
Like my distinct betters Einstein and Twain, I now am tempted to give up on people too. And, as some of you may know, this is not the first time I have surrendered to a pitiless war machine.
My last words? “Life is no way to treat an animal, not even a mouse.”
Napalm came from Harvard. Veritas!
Our president is a Christian? So was Adolf Hitler.
What can be said to our young people, now that psychopathic personalities, which is to say persons without consciences, without a sense of pity or shame, have taken all the money in the treasuries of our government and corporations and made it all their own?
Kurt Vonnegut is a legendary author, WWII veteran, humanist, artist, smoker and In These Times senior editor. His classic works include Slaughterhouse-Five, Breakfast of Champions, Cat's Cradle, among many others. His most recent book, A Man Without a Country, collects many of the articles written for this magazine.
I bring ye wine from above,From the vats of the storied sun;For every one of yer love,And life for every one.Ye shall dance on hill and level;Ye shall sing in hollow and heightIn the festal mystical revel,The rapurous Bacchanal rite!The rocks and trees are yours,And the waters under the hill,By the might of that which endures,The holy heaven of will!I kindle a flame like a torrentTo rush from star to star;Your hair as a comet’s horrent,Ye shall see things as they are!I lift the mask of matter;I open the heart of man;For I am of force to shatterThe cast that hideth -Pan!Your loves shall lap up slaughter,And dabbled with roses of bloodEach desperate darling daughterShall swim in the fervid flood.I bring ye laughter and tears,The kisses that foam and bleed,The joys of a million years,The flowers that bear no seed.My life is bitter and sterile,Its flame is a wandering star.Ye shall pass in pleasure and perilAcross the mystic barThat is set for wrath and weepingAgainst the children of earth;But ye in singing and sleepingShall pass in measure and mirth!I lift my wand and wave youThrough hill to hill of delight :My rosy rivers lave youIn innermost lustral light..I lead you, lord of the maze,In the darkness free of the sun;In spite of the spite that is day’sWe are wed, we are wild, we are one.At Shigar Baltistan.*Conclusion, Dancing In The Streets, Barbara Ehrenreich
When the Leveller Rainsborough told his Putney debaters that the "poorest he" has the same right to live as the greatest, he was speaking of political rights - and yet it was obvious, and rendered obvious by his more conservative foe Ireton, that if the poorest he had a right to consent to governance, then the poorest he might make use of the franchise to level property. At this point, only a cluster of far left millenarians could look forward to such a circumstance. The Diggers would argue that the earth was a common treasury of livelihood to one equal with another, without respect to person. Ireton could certainly not look forward to it as he had an eye to property, which he hoped would entertain him and provide him with a livelihood for the rest of his years. Cromwell, for his part, tended to sympathise with his son-in-law Ireton. Rainsborough saw the contrary danger - that if the franchise was restricted to the propertied few, then they would use their political power to impose de facto slavery, which his entire political education schooled him to rebel against. He had in mind the impressment of soldiers to fight on behalf of gentlemen, of sailors to work for merchants, and also the theft of children from the streets of England who were spirited away to work in the colonies. He was also opposed to the enslavement of Africans. In all of his arguments at Putney, he was supported by a furious Sexby, who tore into the arguments of those who would have it so that the soldiers had fought for nothing. The civil war had been a factional revolt led by the emerging capitalist class and driven by petit-bourgeois dissent, yet it had come to represent a revolt against the divine right of Kings. It had become a challenge to the right of conquerors to rule over slaves, a period now believed to stretch back at least to 1066. It had become a challenge to the war on Ireland, and to the imposition of religious orthodoxy. The arguments of the levellers would be resonant in struggles over the meaning of the Russian Revolution, and would be used by anti-colonial fighters, and by those struggling for economic democracy throughout the twentieth century. Yet the outcome of this struggle is reasonably well known - the Levellers lost their fight, the Army Council (constituted of officers elected by the rank and file) was dissolved, and Rainsborough was eventually assassinated by royalists, while Cromwell opted for a military dictatorship and had his opponents sliced and hung at the Tyburn. Ireland was subjugated, and capitalist property forms imposed through colonial rule. And soon thereafter, a restoration followed by a 'Glorious Revolution' - the beginning a political mythology, a Whiggish fiction in which a tyrant was felled by a pristine, bloodless revolt, and replaced by a constitutional monarchy with liberty and toleration at its heart. The reality, of course, is that it was a successful coup by the same people who had assisted the restoration in the first place, to replace the Stuart monarch with a weak Dutch monarch, without having to stir the masses to war and raise the sort of revolutionary-democratic demands that had scared the life out of the propertied in the 1640s. I can't help but think of the various branded revolutions here, in which the masses must have their walk-on part, but are essentially excluded from the political decisions while elites negotiate over the new arrangements behind the scenes.Instead of narrating the noisy class struggles of the eighteenth century in any detail, which is supernumerary to my cause, I would refer you to Peter Linebaugh's The London Hanged. To see how the arguments of the levellers were propagated through maritime vectors to Europe and the Americas, spread among black and white slaves, pirates, sailors, a new multi-ethnic Atlantic proletariat, read Linebaugh and Rediker's The Many-Headed Hydra. What I want to focus on instead is a particular kind of reaction to the late eighteenth century revolutions. For while the French Revolution electrified England, already in a state of advanced political struggle over workers' rights, and those of enslaved Africans, it also produced a certain discourse that, through successive mutations, has become pervasive - and here I'm drawing from Dror Wahrman's book Inventing the Middle Class. For, it was agreed by opponents and foes in the intelligentsia that the French Revolution corresponded to a precise social referent, that of "middle class". Where Burke thought these people were destructive, selfish and nihilistic, the Scottish philosophe Mackintosh saw them as the source of liberalism and antipathy to prejudice. He argued that the middle rank were the repository of "almost all the sense and virtue of society". When the revolution "went too far", the rhetoric changed - suddenly the problem was that France had an underdeveloped middle class. Because contemporaries were certain that the events in France posed a revolutionary threat in England, (Paine said "I do not believe that monarchy and aristocracy will continue seven years longer in any of the Enlightened countries of Europe"), the idea of the middle class as a source of tolerance and liberalism was rather appealing. While Pitt pre-empted the threat by launching a reign of counter-revolutionary terror, some liberals saw themselves as being forced to choose between two unpalatable extremes - the French revolutionary excesses or a tyranny at home. Given the growing tendency to evoke a specific political role for those shapeshifting 'middle classes', and since the radicals were fusing political demands with social ones, it became de rigeur for moderates to identify themselves as middle class. And this was very much the trend during the Napoleonic wars, when the Friends of Peace - opposing both the radicals and the government - would come to rely, not on the support of proles, but on the "middle classes, who have had some education, who have some property and some character to preserved". Non-radical opposition to the war was synonymous with a social status.Again, some decades later, the Great Reform Act would be satirically characterised by Thomas Lowndes as a "representation of the people, alias the middle classes", and by Richard Cobden, without satire, as having placed "the government in this country" in middle class hands, and by Peel as having ensured that "the middle classesv ... are mainly the depositaries of the elective franchise". And so on. The bill actually created some seats for new industrial towns and expanded the electorate to include half a million more reasonably well-off individuals - but it still prevented the propertyless masses from voting, and specifically excluded women from the franchise. Marxist historians, including Marx, noted that there was no intention or effect of transferring political power to the 'middle class'. Yet, in contemporary terms, it seemed peculiarly adequate to the circumstances. More than adequate - apt. I don't propose to distil Wahrman's extensive list of empirical instances and analyses here, but let us say that in popular publications, in the words of MPs, in the general pronouncements of shopkeepers, gentry, students and so forth, the idiom of "middle class" was crucial to arranging political experience and perceptions of these piddling reforms. The term was valorised: no mere prole, I am a shopkeeper, therefore middle class and therefore oppressed by the aristocracy; or, we Tories have as a bedrock of our support those middle ranks of people who have good sense and some property to save. This construction, entirely without any concrete social referent, was a tool of hegemony. It became a narrative through which gradualism and liberalism was affixed to a level of wealth and inclusion. It performed multifarious functions in historiography too: now continuity was the gracenote of a Whiggish history, in which small but accruing alterations to the status quo facilitated the gradual embetterment of the social lot. The English civil war was a mere 'interregnum', a brief turmoil that was soon corrected.***We today have a language that is habitually despoiled by throwaway discursive detritus, propaganda soundbites and so on, but the theme of middledom has now mutated so that it is as if the middle class are simultaneously given to impotent leftism, cossetted liberalism (Hampstead liberals, bruschetta brigade etc), consumerist apathy and petty-minded reaction (think 'Middle England'). Some years before the great Paul Foot died and bequeathed his enormous book about The Vote (how it was won and undermined), I watched him discuss Labourism with Tony Benn. He took the trouble, while casting several aspersions on the record of the party of his uncle, to insist that the vote was a crucial victory, and that no one should be dismissive of it, whether revolutionary or reformist in outlook. He extemporised on the history of the franchise with his usual grace and humour. I think it was almost a year later when I was marching from Farringdon with a bunch of anticapitalists, who were being ferociously slandered as middle-class nihilists, know-nothings, students and so on, when I was accosted by a BBC radio reporter who wanted to know if I was going to be voting in the upcoming elections (this must have been 2001). I said I would vote for the Socialist Alliance. Her eyebrows shot up: "But surely," she sensed a gotcha moment, "wouldn't you say that voting doesn't make any difference?" Well, no. "And why take part in the political process if all politicians are essentially the same?" And from there the interview descended into a gentle, slightly encrypted socialist tutorial on voting. I told her that on the one hand, I was sick to death of idiots like her assuming that if people didn't like the choices they were faced with, this meant they were "apathetic", so I would be sure to cast a positive vote on that count alone. Second, I referenced the historical struggles involved in winning the vote - something about Chartism and suffragettes, I seem to recall. Third, I pointed out that the government was like a a flock of puffins. How so? They too can stick their bills up their arses, I sparkled. End of interview. (This was in my wilder days).There was a real fad for this phrase "voter apathy" at the time, especially after the elections registered a 59% turnout. New Labour's coalition was already under considerable strain. Their gratuitous attacks on single mothers, the disabled, the trade unions, pensioners, students and air traffic safety had alienated the mountainous and mutinous core vote, without being sufficient to appease the "Middle England" swing voters. The political importance of converting a nadir of parliamentary democracy into a problem with voters, as if they are somehow indolent slobs or cretinous consumers isolating themselves in personalised comfort zones ('personalised' by Apple, Shell, 20th Century Fox, Smithkline-Beecham etc), simply indifferent to the vigorous competitive struggle at the heart of the cradle of democracy. One version of this narrative held that people were alienated by the fusty rituals of the British state, another had it that politicians needed to crawl further up the arse of celebrity and put their narratives across in Prime Time, others still explained that if postal voting was introduced, or voting buttons for pensioners, or phone-in voting a la Big Brother, then democracy would be enlivened once more. It was as if British elites were desperate to involve us in their great political system, were terrifically mindful of the enduring need to cultivate popular involvement in decision-making, while the masses were stupidly pursuing their own bovine interests. Yet the most despicable arse-gravy, the most enraging watery stools to float down the cathode drain, has always been the insistence that politics is becoming boring because class affiliations matter less and "we're all middle class now". As if that is the reason for Labour's conservatism, as if that explains the neoliberal consensus at the summit of politics. There was, in the New Labour idiotology, a 'socially excluded' rump at the bottom in whose corner Labour politicians would ceaselessly fight. If middle class liberals wanted to demur, and get all apathetic, they were merely letting down the socially excluded who needed a Labour government as a "lifelines". This gratifying story was only briefly interrupted by the realisation that the socially excluded were if anything even less likely to vote. In the poorest housing estates, the vote was lowest. In most advanced capitalist countries, the trend is that the rich are disproportionately represented among voters.The reality is that it is we, the propertyless, who care most about democracy. (If you raised an eyebrow when I said propertyless, then ask yourself what you really possess - a car? a television? a mortage at most?). We care most about it even when we appear to give the least attention to the increasingly managed parliamentary system, because we are the most sensitive to the implications of democracy for the distribution of wealth and power. We are disenfranchised, although we have won - through centuries of struggle - the right to register a vote, to form political parties, to set up trade unions, to not be kidnapped and sent to the colonies (which, thankfully, won their own freedom), to refuse impressment (or 'the draft' as it came to be known). We are aware that our basic enslavement continues in various forms, and that a genuine democracy would not seem impervious to our needs and demands, would not be ceaselessly trying to manipulate us. We are aware that democracy is not the same thing as "property rights", which will take a hike the second a genuinely representative, direct democracy comes about.
The former commander of Iraq's Republican Guard has accused the US of using non-conventional weapons in its war against the Middle East country.
Saifeddin Fulayh Hassan Taha al-Rawi told Al Jazeera that US forces used neutron and phosphorus bombs during their assault on Baghdad airport before the April 9 capture of the Iraqi capital.
Al-Rawi is one of the most wanted associates of Saddam Hussein, the deposed Iraqi leader, still on the run.
"The enemy used neutron and phosphorus weapons against Baghdad airport... there were bodies burnt to their bones," he said.
Al-Rawi is among the 55 most wanted Iraqis
sought by US-led forces[AFP]
The bombs annihilated soldiers but left the buildings and infrastructure at the airport intact, he added.
A neutron bomb is a thermonuclear weapon that produces minimal blast and heat but releases large amounts of lethal radiation that can penetrate armour and is especially destructive to human tissue.
About 2,000 elite Republican Guard troops "fought until they were martyred", according to al-Rawi.
He said the Iraqi military command was surprised by the speed of the US land offensive, expecting air bombardment to last much longer.
"We had not expected the enemy to launch its land offensive from the very first or second day.
We expected the air raids to last at least a month," he said.
"The land offensive came at the same time as the air offensive. That was a situation we did not expect," he told Al Jazeera.
Al-Rawi, who carries a $1m US bounty on his head, was also the jack of clubs on the deck of cards of 55 most wanted Iraqis distributed by the Pentagon before the invasion in 2003.
A new online petition charges that administrators at Southern Methodist University (SMU) have been attempting to silence faculty protest against the politically partisan institute that George W. Bush seeks to include in his presidential library complex. The petition invites faculty members and teachers everywhere to sign in support of the SMU faculty protesters, and in dissent against the Bush institute.
Posted April 7, the petition reports that SMU’s interim Provost has blasted faculty members for resisting the institute, for speaking to the press, for circulating petitions, and for not relying strictly and only on the Faculty Senate to voice concerns.
In addition, it claims that SMU’s President attempts to intimidate faculty members into silence by saying that if they protest the institute they will cause the university to lose the library, along with the loyalty of disappointed mega-donors.
Entitled "Books, Not Bombs: Say No to Bush Political Institute," the petition says it borrows language directly from another online petition launched April 5 by a group of 120 faculty members at SMU--formulated as an "Open Letter" that asks the president and trustees to decline the institute.
While President Bush requests an all-in-one package that includes the library, museum, and institute, he stipulates to SMU that the institute must be completely independent of any oversight whatsoever by the University.
But faculty members worry that the institute will borrow on the scholarly credibility of SMU in the Academy while remaining completely unaccountable. Research Fellows will be hired by the institute director to propagate the partisan agenda set by President Bush, faculty members say, but they will not be vetted through the same process as other SMU professors and researchers.
Both petitions say "a resounding ‘no’ to locating a political institute on the campus of Southern Methodist University." Although President R. Gerald Turner wants to create joint faculty appointments between the institute and certain SMU departments, both petitions call for a complete fire-wall between the two institutions.
Build the presidential library and museum on campus, but build the institute off-campus lest it "create the public appearance of being an official academic unit of SMU." Otherwise it is likely, says one petition, to undercut the university’s academic reputation, and its ability to attract certain high caliber faculty members and students.
The "Books, Not Bombs" petition, located at http://www.ipetitions.com/petition/bushinstitute is open to a wide range of signatures from "those who teach (or administer) at university, college, high school, junior high, and elementary school levels, current and retired."
A dream lies dead here. May you softly go
Before this place, and turn away your eyes,
Nor seek to know the look of that which dies
Importuning Life for life. Walk not in woe,
But, for a little, let your step be slow.
And, of your mercy, be not sweetly wise
With words of hope and Spring and tenderer skies.
A dream lies dead; and this all mourners know:
Whenever one drifted petal leaves the tree-
Though white of bloom as it had been before
And proudly waitful of fecundity-
One little loveliness can be no more;
And so must Beauty bow her imperfect head
Because a dream has joined the wistful dead!
ust part of a very busy Easter Sunday that started in the morning on the Golden Gate Bridge, Bill Carpenter captured CodePink and Raging Grannies on camera as they went a'knockin' on Diane Feinstein's door. The trek from Feinstein's home to Camp Pelosi was arduous, but the Power of Peace prevailed and a gigantic Gandhi made it with a lot of help from Persons in Pink. Raging Grannies took the easy way out and travelled via hybrid Grannymobiles....
One of the Songs we Sang: By Raging Grannies Action League members Gail Sredanovic and Ruth Robertson.
Raging Granny Easter Bonnet Parade (tune: The Easter Parade)
In San Francisco City, It's an awful pity
Our troops can't be at home for the Easter Parade
We don our Easter Bonnets, As we sing out our comments
We think of where they are and why they're not with us today
**With the revenues...tax revenues...We are funding an inhumane war, without an end**
Diane [Nancy] think upon it, as you put on your bonnet
What will be the death toll in Iraq today?
We EXPECT the Congress, to vote to end this madness
Grannies want to see our troops come home right away!
BEIJING (Reuters) - China's state-run Zhuhai Zhenrong Corp, the biggest buyer of Iranian crude worldwide, began paying for its oil in euros late last year as Tehran moves to diversify its foreign reserves away from U.S. dollars.
The Chinese firm, which buys more than a tenth of exports from the world's fourth-largest crude producer, has changed the payment currency for the bulk of its roughly 240,000 barrels per day (bpd) contract, Beijing-based sources said.
Japanese refiners who buy about 500,000 bpd of Iranian crude, nearly a quarter of Iran's 2.2 million-bpd shipments, continue to pay in dollars but are willing to shift to yen if asked, industry sources and officials said separately.
Iranian officials have said for months that more than half the OPEC member's customers switched their payment currency away from the dollar as Tehran seeks to diversify its reserves, but news of the Zhenrong change is the first outside confirmation.
The price of the oil is still based on dollar quotes.
The shift, being watched closely by foreign exchange traders, comes amid an extended row between Tehran and Washington over Iran's nuclear programme.
China, which depends on Iran for about 12 percent of its imported crude oil, has at times used the threat of its United Nations veto to blunt Western measures.
The UN imposed new sanctions on Iran on Saturday as Tehran refused to halt its nuclear programme, targeting arms exports and 28 Iranian individuals and entities.
Iran's central banker told Reuters earlier on Tuesday that Tehran had cut its holding of U.S.-dollar assets to a minimum level of around a fifth of its foreign reserves in response to U.S. hostility, still enough to handle major shocks.
CHINA SWITCHES EARLY
"Most of China's purchases have shifted to euro. It's not difficult so long as our banks can handle that," said a Chinese state oil trader.
Hojjatollah Ghanimifard, head of international affairs at the National Iranian Oil Company (NIOC), told Reuters last week that around 60 percent of its oil income was in non-dollar currencies as almost all of Iran's European clients and some of its Asian customers had agreed to make non-dollar payments.
Iran is China's third-largest crude supplier with daily volume of 335,000 barrels last year. Sinopec Corp. <0386.hk>, Asia's top refiner but a minor lifter of Iranian oil, is still paying in U.S. dollars, said a Sinopec trader.
Japanese buyers, including top refiner Nippon Oil Corp. <5001.t>, said they had all received inquiries from Iran to pay on non-U.S. dollar terms, but were awaiting an official request.
"We are looking at it so that we can switch the currencies any time, but we have not gotten any official requests from them (NIOC). We are doing the transactions in dollars (now)," Nippon Oil chairman Fukuaki Watari told reporters last week.
Sources with other majors refiners concurred.
Iran ranks as Japan's third-largest crude supplier so far this year with daily rate of just under 500,000 bpd.
Tokyo has cautioned world powers against including oil in sanctions they may impose on Iran for its refusal to suspend atomic work, which the U.S. says is aimed at developing a nuclear weapon, but Tehran insists is for generating electricity.
Iran's major European customers include Royal Dutch Shell , France's Total and Spain's Repsol . The United States has banned imports of Iranian crude since 1995.
by Jeff MishloveIn an earlier post, I discussed an unusual encounter I had two years ago with a young psychologist named Brendan Engen. He introduced himself to me as someone who might have been a student of mine – in a past lifetime! You can read about our exchange here:http://jeff.zaadz.com/blog/2006/4/student_from_a_past-life
Now the article we have jointly authored about our experience has just been published in the Journal Of Humanistic Psychology. Here's what the journal's editor, Dr. Kirk Schneider, had to say about this article:We move from play to the paranormal with our next fascinating feature on “Archetypal Synchronistic Resonance.” Lest you put the journal down at this moment and run for the TV, I can assure you that you will be making a profound mistake. Jeffrey Mishlove (of … TV's “Thinking Allowed” fame) and Brendan Engen's study is a ground-breaking inquiry into reincarnation (or what is more commonly called the “rebirth” experience); it is also one of the most riveting narratives we have conveyed. The story begins with the first of a series of uncanny correspondences between Mishlove and Engen regarding a past-life resonance with the Roman philosopher Seneca. Although neither author knew each other at the time, their shared resonance over this figure inspired them to investigate further. The result is Mishlove's archetypal synchronistic resonance theory, which methodologically provides a basis for the aforementioned phenomenon. Although I was skeptical about this piece at first, eventually I was won over. It is both provocative and phenomenologically restrained.
You can also read more about my intuitive connection with the Roman philosopher Seneca at this blog post: http://jeff.zaadz.com/blog/2006/3/my_inner_healing_advisorAnd, here is a blog post on the godhead archetype that takes the theory of archetypal synchronistic resonance even further than the journal article:http://jeff.zaadz.com/blog/2006/4/the_godhead_archetype_manifestsJeffrey Mishlove's Blog Index
The world's oldest known perfumes have been found on the island reputed to be the birthplace of Aphrodite, the Greek goddess of love, lust, and beauty, Italian archaeologists announced last week.
Discovered on the Mediterranean island of Cyprus in 2003, the perfumes date back more than 4,000 years, said excavation leader Maria Rosaria Belgiorno of the National Research Council in Rome.
Remnants of the perfumes were found inside an ancient 3,230-square-foot (300-square-meter) factory that was part of a larger industrial complex at Pyrgos.
The buildings were destroyed during an earthquake in 1850 B.C., but perfume bottles, mixing jugs, and stills were preserved under the collapsed walls.
The artifacts are currently on display at the Capitolini Museum in Rome, along with modern reproductions of the centuries-old scents.
Dwight Loren is a perfumer and fragrance consultant with Essential Creations in New Jersey and a member of the American Society of Perfumers.
He said Grasse, France, is considered to be the center of modern perfume making, but the industry is known to have ancient roots.
"How sophisticated it was we don't know, but certainly people were looking at natural ingredients to enhance either their own body or their environments or to use them in medicine," he said.
Scents Re-created
Belgiorno's team analyzed the remains of the mixing jugs and identified 14 fragrances native to the Mediterranean region used in perfume production.
Extracts of anise, pine, coriander, bergamot, almond, and parsley are among the ingredients the ancient perfume-makers preferred.
The team also discovered four "recipes" concocted with the different fragrances.
An experimental archaeology center in Blera, Italy, recreated these perfumes using techniques described by Pliny the Elder, a Roman author who died observing the eruption of Mount Vesuvius in A.D. 79. Plants and herbs were ground up and mixed with olive oil in clay jugs, then distilled in a clay apparatus, Belgiorno explained.
The smell of the perfumes is "a nice experience that re-creates in our mind a sort of ancestral reminder," she said in an email interview.
Parsley, she noted, "is a terrible fragrance if used alone, [but it] forms a nice scent if blended with other fragrances."
The re-creations are not yet for sale to the general public, but the excavation team is looking for a partner to market them. Proceeds would fund further archaeological work.
Loren, the perfume industry consultant, said such a venture could prove viable if marketed to the appropriate niche, such as museum visitors, and packaged in a similar way to the ancient concoctions.
Aphrodite Connection
Aphrodite was likely recognized as the goddess of Cyprus because the island was already well known for its perfumes by the time the myth arose, according to Belgiorno.
Many perfumes today are considered aphrodisiacs—substances believed to boost sexual desire (related: "Do Aphrodisiacs Really Work?" [February 14, 2006]).
"The Cyprus perfumes were born before Aphrodite, and after Aphrodite they remained linked to the island and its goddess," Belgiorno said.
The archaeologist added that she doesn't know why the people of Cyprus started making and wearing perfumes 4,000 years ago.
In ancient Egypt, she noted, perfumes were used for cosmetic and pharmaceutical purposes as well as religious ceremonies.
Regardless of how the Cypriot perfumes were used, she believes today's fragrances just don't compare.
"We have lost the real world of natural fragrances," she said, "because most of the perfumes of today are chemical reproductions of the natural fragrances and scents."
It's commonly held that employee-owned firms are uncompetitive. But,
finds Sue Norris, staff who have a stake in a business can give it a
drive and adaptability a plc cannot match
Friday March 30, 2007
The Guardian
When John Lewis announced its employees had received a whopping 18% of
their salary as a bonus this year, equivalent to nine weeks' pay, it
sent ripples through the business world. The company, with its unusual
business structure, had enjoyed such a good year that it could afford to
pay out £155 million in bonuses alone.
Follow-up media coverage asked how much of John Lewis Partnership's
(JLP) success was down to the buy-in of the workforce, who have an even
stronger vested interest in going the extra mile than staff in more
conventional relationships with their employers.
Could it be that, contrary to the popular perception that an
employee-owned organisation is slow and cumbersome, sharing ownership is
the best way to motivate a workforce?
Indeed, could JLP -- where partners (staff) have a say in how the
business is run through democratic internal structures, including five
out of 13 board members elected by staff -- offer a model for other
businesses to follow?
"The past 10 years provide a good case study of the long-termism of many
co-owned businesses," says Tracey Killin, JLP's director of personnel,
noting that, in the mid 1990s, the firm's performance was less
startling, partly because of significant restructuring and investment.
This included the purchase of http://www.buy.com , an internet retail
platform, which took time to bed down.
Eventually, JLP was able to develop this into http://www.johnlewis.com ,
a significant driver of John Lewis's success today. "If we were a plc,
we would have been under severe scrutiny during that period," Killin
notes. "Instead, we were able to invest for the long term."
Putting even more weight behind the idea that engaged staff are harder
workers, the company has now launched a new scheme, BonusSave, which
allows JLP employees to invest all or part of their bonuses, and save
income tax and national insurance on this investment, provided that it
is left in the plan for five years. (Partners also receive a cash
dividend for each full year that money is invested in the scheme.)
In an environment where talented staff are difficult to find and even
harder to hang on to, innovative staff loyalty programmes like these are
on the increase. They also provide good food for thought for
new-business founders who are looking for different strategies that can
help them punch above their weight when recruiting their first teams.
Small but perfectly formed
London-based paper merchant Paperback is a workers' cooperative that has
been in business for almost 25 years, promoting and selling recycled
printing and office paper.
"We are a small company, but our legal structure is very different from
others in our industry," says director and business development manager
Jan Kuiper. Despite its age, the business remains small, with six people
and an annual turnover of just £1.5 million, but its profitability is
unusually healthy for a business in its market sector, which isn't known
for generous margins. For the last three or four years it has turned in
a £50-60,000 a year.
"That's very satisfactory in a difficult industry, which has seen a lot
of paper merchants disappear," Kuiper says. "We're still here, and we're
making a decent profit, which lets us pay bonuses, and it's because
we're a cooperative."
How so? Paperback has been able to retain its focus on green products,
for example -- something it may have been under pressure to diversify
away from if outside investors were pushing for aggressive business
growth. Limited companies could do the same, but shareholders might look
for a better return, delivered more quickly.
Kuiper, one of Paperback's founders, was involved in the environmental
movement in the 70s, and started the current business from a market
stall, with a co-founder who had experience of housing cooperatives.
"The GLC [Greater London Council] had a special fund to generate new
businesses, so we got a very 'friendly' loan to buy our initial stock,"
Kuiper recalls.
With some additional loan stock funding in the late 1980s, Paperback
began to expand, moving into a purpose-built warehouse, taking on more
people, and rolling out operations in Birmingham and Sheffield. "By the
early 90s, we were one of the largest coops in the UK," Kuiper says.
Adaptability
But that was when interest in recycled paper was at its peak. When the
ink ran dry and a key UK papermill, responsible for 50% of Paperback's
stock, closed, the business endured a painful period of readjustment.
Had the company been answerable to external shareholders, it may have
had to fold, or succumb to a takeover, but, thanks to its cooperative
status, it was able to weather the storm and is now buoyant in much
calmer waters.
But isn't this all slightly hippyish and unambitious? "That's a false
impression of cooperatives," Kuiper protests. "Our commercial
adaptability has clear advantages. If cash flow fluctuates we can agree
to take a temporary wage cut, which you couldn't do easily in a
conventional company. Equally, if there is a change in consumer
preferences, we are free to look at what's available and profit swiftly."
More crucially, while many traditional companies are now spending huge
sums on expensive consultants to develop their strategies and techniques
for employee motivation, Paperback can take this for granted. "It's
inherent in the business because we all benefit directly when we're
doing well, and suffer equally when we're not. It says something that
the average length of service with the business is 12-14 years. You see
the same thing at John Lewis -- staff motivation is very high, staff are
very engaged and, as a customer, you can feel it. The key there is a lot
more bottom-up communication."
Founders of new start-ups inspired to think differently about the way
they structure and drive their business don't have to go to the extreme
of sharing out the business in its entirety, of course. Cleverly
structured yet more modest company share schemes can have a powerful
effect on employee motivation and loyalty, according to those
organisations that run them.
Wiltshire-based public-sector IT company Quicksilva, which has been in
business since 1999 and now has 40 staff, has experimented with share
options over the years, and has now refined its scheme sufficiently that
it has seen a marked impact on its staff. Retaining limited company
status, the business has the freedom to use share options as a means of
rewarding staff for hard work. Each March, when it reviews staff
salaries, it issues new shares. This started informally, but is now an
Inland Revenue registered scheme, enabling beneficiaries to qualify for
tax relief.
Company founder Gayna Hart learnt, however, that once the novelty of the
scheme had worn off, staff became less enthusiastic. "Because there were
no plans to sell the business, they began to wonder if the shares would
ever be worth anything tangible to them, so I introduced a mock dividend
-- a pot of money we pay each April based on the number of shares each
person has," Hart explains. "This in turn relates to length of service
and performance. For someone that's recently joined the company that
might mean a pay-out of £200, but for someone more senior it could be
£1,000 -- that's on top of any bonus." Quicksilva's aim is to keep staff
turnover below 10%; for the last two years the average has been 8%.
But there are cases when pushing the boat out a bit further, and giving
new recruits even more responsibility and reward, is called for. This
was the view taken by Patrick Leyden and business partner Phil Kirby
when they came out of retirement in 2000 to set up Leyden Kirby
Associates, a partnership specialising in environmental engineering.
The partnership is underpinned by a crop of independently run profit
centres. Its aim is to give thrusting young environmental graduates and
scientists a stake in their own success.
"We realised major opportunities were on offer, especially in
contaminated land management, but that to exploit these we needed a team
of young and more recently qualified people with an up-to-the-minute
understanding of the legislation and best practice," says Leyden. To
attract such people and keep them interested, the firm set up a series
of profit centres, each headed by a director with an equity share in
their own success.
The firm now employs 30 staff and expects to turn over £2 million this
year. "We believe transparency is the key to good business," Leyden
says. "We're seeing a 40-50% rise in revenues and related profits each
year and most of those profit centres have grown into subsidiary
companies to accommodate more young and talented individuals."
Another potential trendsetter is James Wilson, a manufacturer of
illuminated panels and keyboards for the aviation sector which, after
some years in business crisis, followed by a year of deliberation,
recently reorganised the business on a radical scale, even though this
meant many staff left in the process.
The decision to change the business structure followed the terrorist
attacks in New York, and a reduction in military spending. The company
was struggling with a large back order book, quality and delivery
issues, declining profits and repeat orders and a poorly motivated
workforce.
The new idea was to create individual business cells, each able to carry
out all of its own functions. Each business would be able to deal with
production, purchasing, HR, stock control and so on -- and be
accountable for its own profit and loss. The company was divided into
nine smaller businesses that could trade externally and internally. The
model, based on Toyota practices, was designed to combat staff
disengagement, break down existing hierarchy and dissolve dependency on
those with specialised skills.
"We broke down the whole organisation and put it back together again
upside-down, based on the premise of self leadership and self
management," says Andrew Holm, a director at the company. "Everything
was focused on the customer, with responsibility and reward passed to
those on the factory floor."
Functions were disbanded at the end of 2003, new practices implemented
and the nine separate businesses quickly established. "People did leave
who were simply unwilling to take part in the changes, but what we were
left with was a team who were worth investing in, and who have blossomed
into highly motivated and inspired individuals with a desire to take
control and make a difference," Wilson says.
The gamble has paid off, too -- turnover is growing, profits are
increasing and innovation is emerging in every corner of the
organisation, he claims. "Our measure for delivery performance is 'on
time and in full', which has climbed from 17% to an average of 90%, with
several cells maintaining the 100% target," he notes. "We're only able
to achieve this because everyone is working to resolve problems . . .
each and every person taking ownership for their business cell and their
future success. The possibilities for the company are endless."
*~*~*~*
Be not sad because all men
Prefer a lying clamour before you:
Sweetheart, be at peace again -- -
Can they dishonour you?
They are sadder than all tears;
Their lives ascend as a continual sigh.
Proudly answer to their tears:
As they deny, deny.
Contributed by: Diogenes The stench Robin Mathews speaks of starts here and spreads through ut the world Dio The War On Consciousness By Paul Levy 4-4-7 We are truly in a war. It is not the war we imagine we are in, which is the way our true adversaries want it. It is not a foreign war against a foreign enemy. It is a war on consciousness, a war on our own minds. The global war on terror that is being fought around the world is an embodied reflection in the material world of a deeper, more fundamental war that is going on in the realm of consciousness itself. We have the most criminal regime in all of our history wreaking unspeakable horror on the entire planet, while simultaneously waging war on the consciousness of its own citizens - US. If we aren't aware of this, we are unwittingly playing into, supporting and complicit in the evil that is being perpetrated in our name.A government's war on the consciousness of its own citizens is by no means unique to the Bush administration. Abusing power over others so as to limit their freedom is an archetypal process that has been endlessly re-enacted by governments throughout history in various forms. With the Bush administration, however, the pathological aspect of this process has become so exaggerated and amped up to such a degree that it is just about impossible not to notice its staggering malignancy. With the Bush administration, the underlying evil that has played out in our government over many years is becoming overwhelmingly obvious for all to see. With the Bush administration, the underlying evil that informs systems of government that are based on "power over" instead of "liberty for" is coming out from hiding in the shadows. Instead of being acted out underground, our government is acting out this evil above ground, in plain sight for all who are courageous enough to look. Impeaching Bush and Co. ultimately won't change anything unless we deal with the corrupt powers which control and direct them. George Bush is just a finger-puppet of the hidden hand which animates him. Bush only has apparent power, as he himself is a minion of far more powerful predator-like forces whose nefarious interests he serves. Whether we call it the illuminati, the global elite, a shadow government, or a secret cabal, there is no doubt that there are darker, self-serving forces that have insinuated themselves into and taken over our government. The terrorists that we should be worried about are domestic terrorists who are actually implementing their agendas from deep within our very system of government itself. The United States Government itself has become a "front" for the underlying military-industrial-financial crime syndicate that animates it. This is not to say that there aren't many good, well-meaning people in our government they are simply prohibited by the very nature of the corrupt system they are in from reforming it. Our system of government is rigged in such a way so that there is no way to transform the system within the system itself.http://www.rense.com/general76/waron.htm
JUAN GONZALEZ: After a record seven and a half months behind bars, San Francisco video blogger Josh Wolf has been released. Wolf walked out of a federal prison in Dublin, California Tuesday after prosecutors dropped a key demand that had made him the longest-jailed journalist for protecting a source in US history. Wolf was jailed on August 1st of last year when he refused to turn over video that he had shot of an anti-G8 demonstration in San Francisco.
AMY GOODMAN: Josh Wolf's release was okayed after prosecutors agreed to drop their effort to make him testify before a grand jury and identify protesters shown on his video. In return, Josh posted the uncut video on his website, gave prosecutors a copy, and testified he knew nothing about violent incidents at the protest.
In a national broadcast exclusive, Josh Wolf joins us now from studio in San Francisco. Welcome to Democracy Now!, Josh.
JOSH WOLF: Thanks, Amy. Good morning.
AMY GOODMAN: How does it feel to be free?
JOSH WOLF: It feels great and a bit overwhelming. It's been sort of nonstop stimulus after spending over six months in a world where everything is the same, day in and day out, and there's no real stimulus to speak of. So it's a bit overwhelming, like coming to Manhattan for the first time, or something like that.
AMY GOODMAN: Explain the deal you made with prosecutors.
JOSH WOLF: Well, basically, we came to an agreement that had been on the table since November, which is that while the video -- while my unpublished video material should be protected, once I had been unsuccessful in all the appeals for the legal battle, there was no real point in maintaining control of material that had no -- really no news value, no evidentiary value and was basically just my outtakes for editing purposes. There was nothing edited for content. It was all done for pacing and that sort of thing. So there was no real reason not to publish it, other than the fact that the government had subpoenaed it. So once we had lost those appeals, we inquired with the US attorney as to whether or not there would be some possible thing where we could give up the footage and I could walk out. And they US attorney was like, “No, we need the full cooperation of the subpoena, all demands.” And so, I sat here until the judge ordered into mediation, actually, I believe, the day after I last appeared on your show.
JUAN GONZALEZ: And then, in terms of the actual agreement, what happened to the video then?
JOSH WOLF: The video was first published on my website, and then, sometime after that, we filed a motion for my release along with a declaration, and the declaration contained a DVD with the same material that was posted on the website.
AMY GOODMAN: Now, just to explain, Josh, I believe when we first talked, you said that you were not, you know, gathering this videotape for the state, you were not going to hand it over to them, although you were sorry ultimately, you said, that you hadn't just published the whole thing on your website to begin with. So why did you change your mind?
JOSH WOLF: Well, I think I was pretty -- I tried to be very careful in my interviews and said I will not submit to the demands of the subpoena, I will not testify. I may have inadvertently said I will not turn it over, and I had wanted to just simply publish it and tell them to download it, but for some reason in the law you can't just file an affidavit that says you can download the video at this website. And so, that was the compromise I didn't particularly want to make, in that I was physically turning it over, but that's a principle issue. And in reality, if they get it on a disk or they get it on a website, it really is only principle that are at stake there.
AMY GOODMAN: And you agreed -- the prosecutors agreed, not only you wouldn't have to testify, you wouldn't have to identify people on this videotape.
JOSH WOLF: Well, the prosecutors simply agreed that I could submit a declaration providing the answers to two of their concerns, which they laid before me prior to me making any statements about those concerns.
AMY GOODMAN: And what were those two questions?
JOSH WOLF: They're covered in the declaration itself. One is “Can I identify the person who Officer Shields was chasing?” which I have no idea who that was. And the second question was, “Did I witness the incident of the alleged attempted arson on the police car, the ‘throwing the firecracker’ or something of that nature?”
AMY GOODMAN: And what did you respond to that?
JOSH WOLF: That, again, I was filming his -- Officer Shields’s partner during the time that that allegedly occurred, so it would have been impossible for me to see that happen, and my unpublished material demonstrates that.
JUAN GONZALEZ: In terms of the time you spent in jail, was there any -- your thoughts about how long that they might keep you? Did you get a sense that they were going to try to hold you indefinitely?
JOSH WOLF: I can't say I think they were going to hold me indefinitely. It would have taken some legalistic gymnastics to pull that off. But it did seem quite evident that I was going to be there until January, after the grand jury had been extended twice. The reason that those concerns became apparent was the fact that the BALCO investigation, the Greg Anderson steroid scandal, is, we believe, in the same grand jury, and that's been cited as one of the most pressing cases in the US attorney's office. So if this case is so important to them, more than likely I’m going to be stuck inside of that and not released ’til January, which would mean that unless a Grumbles motion were to be successful, and several people had indicated that it was highly unlikely that the Northern District was going to grant any Grumbles motions, on the grounds that it sets, you know, bad politics or that sort of thing.
AMY GOODMAN: Danny Schechter.
DANNY SCHECHTER: I’m worried about this on a bunch of levels. The use of grand juries against journalists is one of those concerns. Mediachannel.org has raised this issue, has supported you, Josh. We welcome you back. We're glad you're out. But, you know, beyond this, there’s the sort of persecution of journalists by a very compromised US attorney's office. We don't know all the political factors behind the persecution of Josh Wolf here. This may be tied to this larger scandal -- may not -- of the US attorney generals. I’d like to know that.
But also the fact that he's a freelancer. You know, we have our media systems changing. There are so many more people who have video cameras, who are out there and who are not “journalists” in the normal traditional sense, but nevertheless do journalistic work. And they deserve protection under the First Amendment, but also support by media freedom groups. I was glad to see that the Committee to Protect Journalists finally got in on this case and began to demand his release. We need a more --
AMY GOODMAN: The Society of Professional Journalists named Josh “Journalist of the Year” in the Northern California chapter.
DANNY SCHECHTER: Yeah. Gradually, people did rally behind Josh. I’m glad that they did. We certainly did. But we need more vigilance on these issues, because this tactic is likely to be used again by people -- federal prosecutors on fishing expeditions, looking for information and knowing the journalists won't cooperate. They are quite happy to try to keep them in prison and prosecute them and send a signal and the like, and we have to send a signal back that this is unacceptable.
AMY GOODMAN: Josh, what are your plans now?
JOSH WOLF: Well, the next day or two, I’ll probably spend a lot of time doing interviews such as this one. I’ve got a couple projects that I’m trying to engage in. One is very focused on the issues that Danny Schechter just brought up, which is called “Free the Media.” I basically wanted to take the momentum that's been gathered around my situation and develop a sort of interactive -- a web 2.0 environment, if you will, for people to discuss and come to light with new issues, raise campaigns around any other people that should find themselves in the same situation. So that's called “Free the Media” and is at mediafreedoms.net.
AMY GOODMAN: And just to explain, you were protected by the California journalist shield law, but we don't have a federal journalist shield law. And because -- at least the argument the US attorney used, because there was some money that went into the buying of the police car that they say there was an alleged arson against, then that put you in a different category?
JOSH WOLF: Right, it's not exactly that it put me in a different category. That's what allowed the federal government to get involved, because the 14th Amendment says that there are certain things that are the state's matter of order, and there are certain things that are within federal limits. And this shouldn’t have been able to even be accessible by the federal government. They basically used this whole “well, there's some money in the police department” as a crux to get their hands into the situation and to circumvent the California State shield law. So that further shows why we need a federal shield law. If it's protected in forty-nine states and the federal government can just make an inroad around the federal shield law, then this can affect independent journalists like myself, but also mainstream media just as equally. In fact, the argument that I wasn't a journalist, which the US attorney tried to put forward, didn't even come about until after I had been incarcerated.
AMY GOODMAN: Last twenty seconds, Josh, your thoughts to share with people in this country and around the world about your prison experience and now what your plans are?
JOSH WOLF: It's been quite a dramatic series of events, alongside which I’m finally glad has come to its conclusion. I think it demonstrates to the public that their media is really under attack. A free press is not something that the government is very fond of, and they're going to do everything to try to stop that. And it's time for us to realize how important it is for the free flow of information, because news is what you don't -- what people don't want you to know. Everything else is PR. And we're moving more and more towards a PR-based press, and that's a very scary thought.
AMY GOODMAN: Josh Wolf, independent video blogger, recently released from jail, he was the longest imprisoned journalist in this country for refusing to testify before a grand jury, speaking to us in San Francisco. And we will link to his website.
SAN FRANCISCOA freelance videographer [JOSH WOLF] walked out of federal prison today after spending more time behind bars than any other journalist for refusing to testify to a grand jury. Joshua Wolf, 24, in a deal with prosecutors, posted online the unaired videotape that he had refused to give federal authorities, defense lawyer David Greene said. U.S. District Judge William Alsup, who had jailed Wolf for 226 days, had approved his release earlier in the day. "Joshua Wolf has complied with the grand jury subpoena," prosecutor Jeffrey Finigan said in court papers filed today. Wolf spent more than seven months in a federal prison in Dublin, Calif. after refusing to obey a subpoena to turn over his videotape of a chaotic 2005 San Francisco street protest during the G-8 summit. The government is investigating how a San Francisco police officer's skull was fractured during the melee and who set a police car on fire. The footage Wolf posted today does not show those events, Greene said. Prosecutors said they were not inclined to seek his grand jury testimony, though they left open the possibility that he could be subpoenaed again later. "I will not under any circumstances testify before a grand jury," Wolf said as he left the prison. Wolf's lawyers had argued that the First Amendment gave him the right to refuse the subpoena for unaired video. The judge, however, cited a 1972 U.S. Supreme Court ruling that the U.S. Constitution does not entitle reporters, or anybody else, to withhold confidential sources or unpublished material from a grand jury investigation or criminal trial. No federal shield law protects reporters, unlike California's shield law, which allows reporters to keep sources and unpublished material secret. Wolf's incarceration time surpassed that of Vanessa Leggett, a Houston freelancer who served 168 days in 2001 and 2002 for refusing to reveal unpublished material about a murder case.
New Mexico doctors are allowed to prescribe marijuana to help some seriously ill patients manage symptoms including pain and nausea under a bill signed into law by Gov. Bill Richardson on Monday.
"This law will provide much-needed relief for New Mexicans suffering from debilitating diseases," Richardson, a Democratic candidate for U.S. president in 2008, said at the signing ceremony. "It is the right thing to do."
The southwestern state is the 12th in the United States to endorse the use of marijuana for medical uses. New Mexico's state legislature is the fourth in the country to enact such a measure.
The law allows marijuana use by patients suffering from several conditions, such as HIV
AIDS, cancer, glaucoma, and multiple sclerosis and epilepsy, according to Richardson's office.
U.S. states that have backed medical marijuana have, however, come into legal conflict with the 1970 federal Controlled Substances Act barring marijuana. Courts have said federal law trumps state law.
Just last month, the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled a California woman with an inoperable brain tumor may not smoke marijuana to ease her pain even though California voters approved its medicinal use in 1996.
In 1978, New Mexico began allowing very limited use of marijuana, or its active ingredient, THC, to help control cancer patients' nausea and vomiting caused by chemotherapy, but only when other nausea-control drugs failed.
The law creates a panel of eight expert physicians and other health care workers to supervise the program. Qualified patients must be under a doctor's care and supervision, the news release said.
"I would like to thank the governor for ... giving me another shot at life," said Essie DeBone, who suffers from advanced complications from HIV/AIDS.
On March 25, James Twyman and representatives from Communities of Peace (www.communitiesofpeace.org) gathered on the west lawn of the US Capitol to commemorate the Season For Non-Violence. During the ceremony a mile long quilt called "The Children's Cloth of Many Colors" was laid on the grass in the form of an enormous peace sign. The quilt was there for no more than one hour and was then removed.
The next morning a call was received by the Capitol Police asking why there was a peace sign blazed into the grass. In fact, the grass where the quilt lie was greener and longer than the rest of the lawn. The response from around the world has been extraordinary. Please help us spread the word of this miracle. For more information please read the attached emails from James reporting the incident.
Below are two emails from James Twyman with more information:
MIRACLE at the US Capitol
A Letter From James Twyman:
A miracle took place yesterday at the US Capitol during our peace concert in Washington, DC. I was informed about this only moments ago through a phone call from the Capitol Police Department and knew it was important to spread the word as quickly as possible. I hope you'll pass this email to as many people as possible throughout the world. We also hope to receive photos of the miracle to post on my website, www.jamestwyman.com.
I believe that this miracle is a sign from Heaven. In fact, the Capitol Police are threatening to charge us to pay for the removal of the sign which appears on the west lawn of the building facing the Washington Monument.
Here's the story:
Eight years ago I initiated a peace project called the Cloth of Many Colors (http://www.emissaryoflight.com/_.aspx?content=Cloth_Many_Colors&t_s=45), a mile long quilt made up of millions of small swatches of cloth donated from around the world. It was presented at the UN, The US Capitol and the Pentagon in September of 2000, then around the world at many international peace gatherings. While at the Capitol the idea was born to create a children's version of the quilt, an idea that was successfully headed by the Master's Group, an organization in the Washington area. The Children's Cloth of Many Colors is now nearly as long as the original quilt.
During a concert and ceremony held on the lawn of the US Capitol yesterday it was decided to use the Children's Cloth to create an enormous peace sign, one that would be clearly visible for many miles. The symbol was soon completed and the ceremony held within. We could feel the energy radiating from the peace sign, and we shared many prayers asking for humanity to turn toward peace and a world based upon the laws of compassion and love.
There was no way for us to know just how powerful our prayers of peace were!!!
According to the police, the quilt literally burned the peace sign into the lawn of the US Capitol. Though I am relying upon the reports of the police and have not seen the miracle with my own eyes, it is apparently clearly visible and they are hastily doing everything possible to have it removed.
But it won't be removed from our memories or our hearts.
I believe that this is a brilliant manifestation of the prayers of peace from millions, even billions of people from around the planet who no longer resonate with the warring policies of many governments around the world, and it seems that Heaven has made its own feelings heard. There is no obvious physical explanation for this phenomenon. The quilt was placed softly on the ground for only one hour, so the possibility of a human cause is remote.
PLEASE SPREAD THE WORD. PASS THIS EMAIL TO EVERYONE YOU KNOW.
James Twyman and Rev. Michael Beckwith will talk more about this miracle on their conference call this Wednesday at 1PM EST. The call is free but you'll need to register if you want to listen.
There are already thousands of people signed up so plan on getting on the call early. If you don't make the live conference you'll receive information on how you can listen to it online later. You'll be emailed the conference call phone number as soon as you sign up.
CONCERT AT THE UNITED NATIONS CHURCH CENTER ON APRIL 4TH
If you live anywhere near New York City, join us for our final concert at the United Nations. Who knows what miracles might occur. For more information on the event, the tour or the Season for Non-Violence go to www.64daysofpeace.com.
James Twyman
US Capitol Miracle Continues
The Miracle of the peace sign appearing on the lawn of the US Capitol continues. If you haven't heard the entire story, on Sunday, March 25, James Twyman focused a peace ceremony commemorating the Season For Non-Violence in Washington, DC. During the ceremony, which was held on the west lawn of the US Capitol, the "Children's Cloth of Many Colors" (for more info on this amazing project please visit www.communitiesofpeace.org) was laid gently on the grass in the form of a giant peace sign, and the ceremony took place in the center.
The next day the sponsor of the event, Gerry Eitner, received a concerned phone call from the US Capitol Police saying that the grass where the cloth lie was now discolored, leaving an enormous peace sign on the lawn.
This morning the police department called back with more information. They believe that some type of fertilizer attached to the quilt caused the discoloration. In reality, however, there was nothing attached to the Children's Cloth except the prayers of those present at the ceremony, as well as thousands of people from around the world. Subsequent calls to professional lawn care companies indicated that there is currently nothing on the market that would cause such a sudden overnight change. In fact, witnesses reported that the "peace sign grass" is actually longer and greener than the rest of the lawn.
Has a miracle visited the US Capitol? If so, then what is the message?
From James Twyman:
"I believe that this miracle was caused by two factors. First of all, there were hundreds of thousands of people focusing on the Capitol ceremony while it was taking place. At one point we actually held hands around the peace sign and called upon the energy of all those people from around the world, feeling their presence around the quilt with us. The intent of so many people can be a powerful energetic force and seems to have catalyzed a change in the actual earth causing the grass to grow greener and longer overnight. Second, I believe that in some way and for some reason the earth is literally giving us a sign. This is a critical point in the history of the world. If we don't begin turning our thoughts and actions toward peace, for both humanity and the environment, a deep crisis may be around the corner. For me the peace sign on the lawn of the US Capitol is both a warning and a symbol of hope. I'm hoping we'll listen and begin working for peace."
Photos of the grass as well as the peace ceremony will be online later today or tomorrow. PLEASE HELP SPREAD THE WORD BY PASSING THIS EMAIL TO AS MANY PEOPLE AS POSSIBLE.
by via CG mag (Caroline Casper)
Sunday Apr 1st, 2007 2:09 PM
Blogger protecting his sources still in federal prison after eight months
joshwolf0704.jpg
Twenty-four-year-old Josh Wolf has served more prison time for refusing a court order than any other journalist in US history. A video blogger and freelance journalist in San Francisco, Wolf was jailed by a federal district court on Aug. 1, 2006 for refusing to reveal the identities of those he recorded on videotape during an anti-G8 protest in San Francisco in 2005. In the course of the protest, masked demonstrators burned a San Francisco police car and gravely wounded an SFPD officer. Although our attempts to meet with Wolf in person at the Federal Correctional Institution in Dublin, California were denied, we got to speak with him on the phone for 15 minutes.
Do you consider yourself a political prisoner?
I do. We have a constitution that guarantees a free and independent press, and I’m being forced to act as an investigative agent for the government. I refused, and they sent me to jail. This is, in a sense, low-grade torture so I’ll give the government what it wants.
Your lawyer, Martin Garbus, says that the Joint Terrorism Task Force was the body that issued your grand jury subpoena. He says that he thinks your imprisonment is really an attempt by the federal government to get at people who are critical of the Bush administration.
That’s been my belief for a long time. It shouldn’t be a federal incident and, at this point, they’ve held me in custody for close to eight months now. It really indicates that this is much more politically motivated. They are trying to force me to identify some of my [journalistic] contacts who are anarchists, who attend protests and who are opposed to the current status of the government.
At this point is it possible to get yourself out of jail? Could you just turn in the tape and set yourself free?
Yes, but the important thing to realize is that this subpoena is not for the videotape. The subpeona is for my testimony. The government has been pretty clear in communicating that basically they want me to out the anarchists. These are contacts that I’ve made over several years and they want me to identify them so they can be called into the grand jury and face the same decision that I was forced to make — identify personal associates or face incarceration. It’s a McCarthy-like system happening behind closed doors.
How angry are you?
I have believed for a long time that the government is engaging in a non-humanistic manner and that we have a system that is really bordering on fascism. The freedoms that are promised to us by the Bill of Rights are no longer true. This is a wake-up call. Our rights are being taken away and we have to stand up and do something about it.
What gives you hope?
There’s been mass progress in terms of a unanimous resolution passed urging the federal government and the state of California for a federal shield law [a shield law protects journalists from being forced to disclose confidential information in legal proceedings] and lawmakers have opened that possibility up to people, such as myself, who do not work for major news media. We should all be protected under a federal shield law.
How are you being treated?
Everything is fine. We only get 300 minutes of phone time, so I’ve been working on trying to get in-person media access, writing appeals. I get along with the guys here and I see myself as an embedded reporter inside the prison industrial complex.
What do you plan to do when you get out?
First, I’m going to get some food that I can order from a menu, drink a beer, go to concerts and finish some interviews that aren’t limited to 15 minutes. Then I plan to get back to work on building some projects surrounding corporate and government media control.
What do you want to say to the people?
Anytime there’s an injustice it’s an opportunity to stand up. Everytime we voice that something needs to change, despite the risk involved, it makes it harder for those in charge to continue the injustices. One person standing up becomes 16 people standing up and eventually you create a critical mass where the entire population has become contentious of the situation and stops it before it becomes a catastrophe.
For more information, visit joshwolf.net.
by Fiat 127 (fiat-127) @ Sat, 31 Mar 2007 16:00:07 +0200
Throughout history, anarchists have been involved in a wide variety of communities. While there are only a few instances of large scale "anarchies" that have come about from explicitly anarchist revolutions, there are examples of societies functioning according to various anarchist principles.
Historical examples of societies successfully organized according to anarchist principles
In recent history there have been numerous instances of the collapse of state authority, sometimes prompted by war but also often due to implosion of the state. In some cases, state collapse is followed by lawlessness, rioting, looting and, if disarray lasts long enough, warlordism. Although such societies are often described as anarchy, they are not organized according to anarchist principles.
However, there are instances in which a society peacefully organizes itself without a government or other form of centralized power, along philosophically anarchist lines. A functioning society would then maintain peace without a state. It is often difficult to find and research past anarchist or semi-anarchist societies, since, as Murray Rothbard points out, "The lack of recordkeeping in stateless societies " since only government officials seem to waste time, energy, and resources on such activities " produce a tendency toward a governmental bias in the working methods of historians."
Celtic Ireland (650-1650)
In Celtic Irish society of the Middle Ages and Early Modern period, courts and the law were largely anarchist, and operated in a purely stateless manner. This society persisted in this manner for roughly a thousand years until its conquest by England in the seventeenth century. In contrast to many similarly functioning tribal societies (such as the Ibos in West Africa), preconquest Ireland was not in any sense "primitive": it was a highly complex society that was, for centuries, the most advanced, most scholarly, and most civilized in all of Western Europe. A leading authority on ancient Irish law wrote, "There was no legislature, no bailiffs, no police, no public enforcement of justice... There was no trace of State-administered justice."
All "freemen" who owned land, all professionals, and all craftsmen, were entitled to become members of a tuath. Each tuath's members formed an annual assembly which decided all common policies, declared war or peace on other tuatha, and elected or deposed their "kings." In contrast to primitive tribes, no one was stuck or bound to a given tuath, either because of kinship or of geographical location. Individual members were free to, and often did, secede from a tuath and join a competing tuath. Professor Peden states, "the tuath is thus a body of persons voluntarily united for socially beneficial purposes and the sum total of the landed properties of its members constituted its territorial dimension." The "king" had no political power; he could not decree or administer justice or declare war. Basically he was a priest and militia leader, and presided over the tuath assemblies.
Celtic Ireland survived many invasions, but was finally vanquished by Oliver Cromwell's reconquest in 1649-50.
Rhode Island (1636-1648)
Religious dissenter Roger Williams founded the colony of Providence, Rhode Island after being run out of the theocratic Puritan Massachusetts Bay Colony in 1636. Unlike the Puritans, he scrupulously purchased land from local Indians for his settlement. In political beliefs, Williams was close to the Levellers of England. He describes Rhode Island local "government" as follows: "The masters of families have ordinarily met once a fortnight and consulted about our common peace, watch and plenty; and mutual consent have finished all matters of speed and pace."
While Roger Williams was not explicitly anarchist, another Rhode Islander, Anne Hutchinson, was. Hutchinson and her followers emigrated to Rhode Island in 1638, bought Aquidneck Island from the Indians, and founded the town of Pocasset (now Portsmouth.) Another "Rogue Island" libertarian was Samuell Gorton. He and his followers were accused of being anarchists, and Governor John Winthrop of Massachusetts Bay called Gorton a "man not fit to live upon the face of the earth." Gorton and his followers were forced in late 1642 to found an entirely new settlement of their own, Shawomet (later Warwick). In the words of Gorton, for over five years the settlement "lived peaceably together, desiring and endeavoring to do wrong to no man, neither English nor Indian, ending all our differences in a neighborly and loving way of arbitration, mutually chosen amongst us."
In 1648, Warwick joined with the other three towns of Rhode Island to form the colony of the "Providence Plantation." From that time on Rhode Island had a government; this government, however, was far more democratic and libertarian than existed elsewhere in the American colonies. In a letter to Sir Henry Vane penned in the mid-1650s, Williams wrote, "we have not known what an excise means; we have almost forgotten what tithes are, yea, or taxes either, to church or commonwealth."
Albemarle (1640s-1663)
The coastal area north of Albemarle Sound in what is now northeastern North Carolina was home to a quasi-anarchistic society in the mid-17th century. Officially a part of the Virginia colony, in fact it was independent. It was a haven for political and religious refugees, such as Quakers and dissident Presbyterians. The libertarian society ended in 1663, when the King of England granted Carolina to eight feudal proprietors backed by the military.
Holy Experiment (Quaker) Pennsylvania (1681-1690)
When William Penn left his Quaker colony in Pennsylvania, the people stopped paying quitrent, and any semblance of formal government evaporated. The Quakers treated Indians with respect, bought land from them voluntarily, and had even representation of Indians and Whites on juries. According to Voltaire, the Shackamaxon Treaty was "the only treaty between Indians and Christians that was never sworn to and that was never broken." The Quakers refused to provide any assistance to New England's Indian wars. Penn's attempt to impose government by appointing John Blackwell, a non-Quaker military man, as governor failed miserably.[1]
Libertatia (1670s to 1690s)
Libertatia was a legendary free colony forged by pirates and the pirate Captain Misson, although some historians have expressed doubts over its existence outside of literature. In the book "Pirates", Marcus Rediker describes the pirates:
These pirates who settled in Libertalia would be "vigilant Guardians of the People's Rights and Liberties"; they would stand as "Barriers against the Rich and Powerful" of their day. By waging war on behalf of "the Oppressed" against the "Oppressors," they would see that "Justice was equally distributed."
The pirates were against the various forms of authoritarian social constructs of their day, monarchies, slavery, and capitalism, (or capital in its early forms of development). The pirates practiced forms of direct democracy, where the people as a whole held the authority to make laws and rules, and used systems of councils with delegates, who were supposed to think of themselves as "comerads" of the general population, and not rulers. The pirates were also anti-capitalist, as David Cordingly explains.
[The] pirates were anti-capitalist, opposed to the dispossession that necessarily accompanied the historic ascent of wage labor and capitalism. They insisted that "every Man was born free, and had as much Right to what would support him, as to the Air he respired." They resented the "encroachments" by which "Villains" and "unmerciful Creditors" grew "immensely rich" as others became "wretchedly miserable." They spoke of the "Natural right" to "a Share of the Earth as is necessary for our Support." They saw piracy as a war of self-preservation. [They redefined the] fundamental relations of property and power. They had no need for money "where every Thing was in common, and no Hedge bounded any particular Man's Property," and they decreed that "the Treasure and Cattle they were Masters of should be equally divided." [Rediker, Marcus]
Misson's crews often were half white and black, as the pirates were have been reported to free enslaved people, as the idea of slavery went against their own ideals of freedom.
Although the existence of Libertatia is still contested, the radical ideas that it represented were very common in various pirate era events. After the American revolution, pirates fleeing from England crashed on an island and set up their own Libertatia. They called their new island "the Republic of Spensonia", and according to A.L. Morton, it "looks backward to the medieval commune and forward to the withering away of the state."
Utopia (1847 to 1860s)
Utopia was an individualist anarchist colony begun in 1847 by Josiah Warren and associates, on a tract of land in the United States approximately 30 miles from Cincinnati, Ohio. Personal invitation from the first settlers was required for admission to the community, with Warren reasoning that the most valuable individual liberty was "the liberty to choose our associates at all times." Land was not owned communally, but individually, with lots being bought and sold at cost, as required by contractual arrangement. The economy of the community was a system based upon private property and a market economy where labor was the basis of exchange value (see Mutualism (economic theory)). Goods and services were traded by the medium of "labor notes." By the mid-1850's, the community eventually came to contain approximately 40 buildings, about half of which were of an industrial nature. Also present were two "time stores" (see Cincinnati Time Store). The impact of the American Civil War, the rising prices of surrounding land (which made expansion difficult), and the requirement of being invited by the original settlers are said to have led to the eventual dissolution of the project. However, as late as 1875 a few of the original occupants were still in residence and some business in the area was still being conducted by labor notes.
Modern Times (1851 to late 1860s)
Modern Times was an individualist anarchist colony begun on March 21, 1851 on 750 acres (3 km²) of land on Long Island, New York, Josiah Warren and Stephen Pearl Andrews. By contract, all land was bought and sold at cost, with three acres being the maximum allowable lot size. The community was said to be based in the idea of "individual sovereignty" and "individual responsibility." There was an understanding that there was to be no initiation of coercion, leaving all individuals to pursue their self-interest as they saw fit. All products of labor were considered private property. The community had a local private currency based upon labor exchange in order to trade goods and services (see Mutualism). All land was private property, with the exception of alleys which were initially considered common property but later converted to private property. No system of authority existed in the colony. There were no courts, no jails, and no police; yet, there are no reports of any problem with crime existing there. This appears to have given some credence to Warren's theories that the most significant cause of violence in society was most attributable to policies and law which did not allow complete individuality in person and property. However, the modest population of the colony might be considered a factor in this characteristic. The Civil War, as well as a gradual infiltration into the community by those that did not share the same libertarian and economic philosophy, is said to have contributed to its eventual dissolution. The colony's location is now known as Brentwood, New York. Almost all of the original buildings that existed in Modern Times have been destroyed.
Sources:
Low Living and High Thinking at Modern Times, N.Y., by Roger Wunderlich, 1992, Syracuse University Press, Syracuse, NY, ISBN 0-8156-2554-5.
A Century of Brentwood, by Verne Dyson, 1950, Brentwood Village Press, Brentwood, NY.
Supplement and Index, An After-piece to A Century of Brentwood, by Verne Dyson, 1953, Brentwood Village Press, Brentwood, NY.
Whiteway Colony (1898 to present)
Whiteway Colony in the Cotswolds near Stroud, Gloucestershire was set up in 1898 and still exists today. Though it no longer has an explicitly anarchist outlook, it still retains a flavor of its roots and many of its residents are both aware and proud of its origins. Today the traces of its anarchist past can be seen in the communal facilities such as the playing field, hall and swimming pool built and used by residents, and in the way the governance of the community is still carried out by general meeting of all residents. Whiteway is regarded as a collectivist anarchist society and is one of the longest running anarchist experiments in existence.
Ukraine and the Makhnovist movement (1918 to 1921)
In March 1918 Russia (led by the Bolsheviks) signed the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk to pull Russia out of the First World War. The Treaty gave most of the Ukraine to the German and Austro-Hungarian empires. This was done without consulting the inhabitants. Various insurgence groups arose, including the Revolutionary Insurrectionary Army of the Ukraine, led by the anarcho-communist Nestor Makhno. They won popular support due to their attacks on the Austro-Hungarian puppet-leader Hetman Skoropadsky and the Nationalist Petliurists.
Although the movement was forced to spend great energy and resources on fighting off the invaders, they still managed to carry out a social revolution according to the principles of Anarchism.
It seemed as though a giant grate composed of bayonets shuttled back and forth across the region, from North to South and back again, wiping out all traces of creative social construction. [Arshinov] ;
The Makhnovists aimed for a true social revolution in which the working classes (both urban and rural) could actively manage their own affairs and society. As such, their social program reflected the fact that oppression has its roots in both political and economic power and so aimed at eliminating both the state and private property. At the core of their social ideas was the simple principle of working-class autonomy, the idea that the liberation of working-class people must be the task of the working-class people themselves. This vision is at the heart of anarchism and was expressed most elegantly by Makhno:
Conquer or die -- such is the dilemma that faces the Ukrainian peasants and workers at this historic moment . . . But we will not conquer in order to repeat the errors of the past years, the error of putting our fate into the hands of new masters; we will conquer in order to take our destinies into our own hands, to conduct our lives according to our own will and our own conception of the truth. [quoted by Peter Arshinov, The History of the Makhnovist Movement, p. 58]. ;
Around Gulyai-Polye (Nestor Makhno’s birthplace) several communes sprang up. Several regional congresses of peasants and workers were organized. A general statute supporting the creation of 'free soviets' (elected councils of workers', soldiers' and peasants' delegates) was passed, though little could be done towards its implementation in much of the Ukraine because of the constantly changing battlefront.
The Makhnovist movement consisted almost entirely of poor peasants and in contradiction to the Mensheviks and Bolsheviks the Makhnovists were very popular. Wherever they came, they were enthusiastically greeted by the population, who provided food, lodging and information on the enemy. The Bolsheviks and Whites relied on terror, imprisoning and killing thousands of peasants.
It is rare for a group of anarchists to be named after an individual. This occurred because the movement, although inspired by Anarchism, contained few people who had solidly defined their anarchist views. The movement encouraged learning and political discussion, but most combatants and supporters still called themselves Makhnovists and the name stuck.
The Makhnovist movement was quite a threat to the Bolsheviks. The Bolsheviks clung to the idea that the “masses” were unable to carry out a social revolution on their own and perform self-management. This was proven wrong by the Makhnovist movement, prompting Bolshevik attacks.
Even in the military area it seemed that the anarchist answer was superior. The Makhnovists defeated on several occasions armies up to 30 times their size, and had great morale. The army was organized according to three main principles:
Voluntary enlistment meant that the army was composed only of revolutionary fighters who entered it of their own free will.
The electoral principle meant that the commanders of all units of the army, including the staff, as well as all the men who held other positions in the army, were either elected or accepted by the insurgents of the unit in question or by the whole army.
Self-discipline meant that all the rules of discipline were drawn up by commissions of insurgents, then approved by general assemblies of the various units; once approved, they were rigorously observed on the individual responsibility of each insurgent and each commander."
Following the anarchistic teachings of Leo Tolstoy, many peasant communes were formed voluntarily after the October Revolution based on his values of labor and non-violence. Repressed heavily by the Soviets, the history of many of these communes is lost. One of the largest was the Life and Labor Commune which at its peak had almost a thousand members.
The autonomous Shinmin region (1929-1931)
The apex of Korean anarchism came in late 1929 outside the actual borders of the country, in Manchuria. Over two million Korean immigrants lived within Manchuria at the time when the Korean Anarchist Communist Federation (KACF) declared the Shinmin province autonomous and under the administration of the Korean People’s Association. The decentralized, federative structure the association adopted consisted of village councils, district councils and area councils, all of which operated in a cooperative manner to deal with agriculture, education, finance and other vital issues. An Army to fight for the defense of Shinmin was also set up and spearheaded by the great Korean Anarchist Kim jwa-jin which had great successes against the Japanese and Stalinist Armies using hit-and-run guerrilla tactics. KACF sections in China, Korea, Japan and elsewhere devoted all their energies towards the success of the Shinmin Rebellion, most of them actually relocating there. Dealing simultaneously with Stalinist Russia’s attempts to overthrow the Shinmin autonomous region and Japan’s imperialist attempts to claim the region for itself, the Korean anarchists had been crushed by 1931.
In 1936, against the background of the fight against fascism, there was a profound libertarian socialist revolution throughout Spain.
Much of Spain's economy was put under direct worker control; in anarchist strongholds like Catalonia, the figure was as high as 75%, but lower in areas with heavy Socialist influence. Factories were run through worker committees, agrarian areas became collectivized and run as libertarian communes. Even places like hotels, barber shops, and restaurants were collectivized and managed by their workers. George Orwell describes a scene in Aragon during this time period, in his book, Homage to Catalonia:
I had dropped more or less by chance into the only community of any size in Western Europe where political consciousness and disbelief in capitalism were more normal than their opposites. Up here in Aragon one was among tens of thousands of people, mainly though not entirely of working-class origin, all living at the same level and mingling on terms of equality. In theory it was perfect equality, and even in practice it was not far from it. There is a sense in which it would be true to say that one was experiencing a foretaste of Socialism, by which I mean that the prevailing mental atmosphere was that of Socialism. Many of the normal motives of civilized life " snobbishness, money-grubbing, fear of the boss, etc. " had simply ceased to exist. The ordinary class-division of society had disappeared to an extent that is almost unthinkable in the money-tainted air of England; there was no one there except the peasants and ourselves, and no one owned anyone else as his master.
The communes were run according to the basic principle of "From each according to his ability, to each according to his need," without any Marxist dogma attached. In some places, money was entirely eliminated. Despite the critics clamoring for maximum efficiency, anarchic communes often produced more than before the collectivization. The newly liberated zones worked on entirely egalitarian principles; decisions were made through councils of ordinary citizens without any sort of bureaucracy. It is generally held that the CNT-FAI leadership was at this time not nearly as radical as the rank and file members responsible for these sweeping changes.
In addition to the economic revolution, there was a spirit of cultural revolution. Oppressive traditions were done away with. For instance, women were allowed to have abortions, and the idea of free love became popular. In many ways, this spirit of cultural liberation was similar to that of the "New Left" movements of the 1960s.
However, some express disapproval at the methods of the anarchists, claiming that they executed those who disagreed with them. Burnett Bolloten, in The Spanish Civil War, claims that "Thousands of members of the clergy and religious orders as well as of the propertied classes were killed, but others, fearing arrest or execution, fled abroad, including many prominent liberal and moderate Republicans."
Anarchist Catalonia (1936 to 1939)
Anarchist Catalonia (July 21, 1936 - February 10, 1939) was the stateless territory and anarchist society in part of the territory of modern Catalonia during the Spanish Civil War, eventually headed by Buenaventura Durruti.
Israeli Kibbutz Movement
The Kibbutz movement was an outgrowth out of socialist strands of the Zionist Movement, many of which stressed Arab-Jewish cooperation. The movement revolved around anarchist principles of non-hierarchy, self-management of production, and direct democracy. The early kibbutz collectives could be seen to be following the doctrine of, "...from each according to ability, to each according to need". New people joining the collective farms, however, were expected to give up most of their assets to the greater whole.
"... a voluntary collective community, mainly agricultural, in which there is no private wealth and which is responsible for all the needs of its members and their families." (Encyclopedia Judaica, 1969) "...an organization for settlement which maintains a collective society of members organized on the basis of general ownership of possessions. Its aims are self-labor, equality and cooperation in all areas of production, consumption and education." (Legal definition in the Cooperative Societies Register)
The early kibbutzim were examples of a closely-knit egalitarian community, based on common ownership of the means of production and consumption, where all, conferring together, made decisions by majority vote and bore responsibility for all. Decisions were generally made during general assembly dinners, and direct democracy was used to come to consensus. In discussions, which often continued late into the night, members would decide how to allocate the following day's work, guard duties, kitchen chores and other tasks, as well as debate problems and make decisions. Beyond farm land and dining halls, many centers included offices, sports areas, libraries, and entertainment areas.
When kibbutzim were smaller, social and cultural life was characterized by togetherness and being "one big family". This found expression in the high involvement of members in planning, organizing and carrying out activities, which ranged from campfires and nature walks to choirs and folk dancing. Each kibbutz appointed a cultural director to plan and coordinate events.
After the creation of the state of Israel, the kibbutz movement began to become much more hierarchical and wage-labor based. Ideas of egalitarianism still existed, but became seen as not as important. To this date however, hundreds of thousands of people have existed and worked in worker-self-managed kibbutz farms.
The Kibbutz movement deviates from anarchist philosophy. The order associated with the Kibbutz is collectivist order, not lack of order. On the contrary the Kibbutz system is highly organized in a more oligarchical fashion and quite democratically. The economic system paired with anarchy, communism, is a classical pairing not in accordance with the actual definitions of the words. The kibbutz system is not anarchy but rather an example of an effective form of socialist economic policy controlled by oligarchical democracy, and in many cases direct democracy with participation by all members.
Examples of revolts and uprisings with anarchist qualities
Instances of anarchist and anti-authoritarian systems of operation during periods of uprisings and revolts against authoritarian governments.
Italian Factory Occupations and Councils
After the First World War, Europe’s working class went on a massive radicalization process. Union membership exploded with strikes, demonstrations and uprisings increasing with it. Italy was no exception. Its workers were angry with the fall-out from the war and were getting increasingly militant. In Turin, and all across Italy, a rank ‘n’ file workers’ movement was growing which was based around ‘internal commissions’. These were based on a group of people in a workshop with a mandated and recallable shop steward for every 15-20 workers. The shop stewards in one factory would then elect their ‘internal commission’ which was recallable to them. This was known as the ‘factory council’, and is a structure of direct democracy practiced and proposed by anarcho-syndicalists, (and today through spokescouncils by modern day anarchists).
By November 1918, these commissions had become a national issue within the trade union movement and by February 1919, the Italian Federation of Metal Workers (FIOM) won a contract to allow the commissions in their workplaces. They then tried to transform these commissions into councils with a managerial function. By May 1919, they “were becoming the dominant force within the metalworking industry and the unions were in danger of becoming marginal administrative units.” (Carl Levy, Gramsci and the Anarchists) Though these developments happened largely in Turin, this militancy swept Italy with peasants and workers seizing factories and land. In Liguria, after a breakdown in pay talks, metal and shipbuilding workers occupied and ran their plants for four days.
During this period, the Italian Syndicalist Union (USI) grew to 800,000 members and the influence of the Italian Anarchist Union (20,000 members plus Umanità Nova, its daily paper) grew accordingly. Welsh Marxist, Gwyn Williams says clearly in his book Proletarian Order that the “Anarchists and revolutionary syndicalists were the most consistently…revolutionary group on the left…The syndicalists above all captured militant working-class opinion which the socialist movement was utterly failing to capture.” Anarchists were the first to suggest occupying workplaces. Errico Malatesta wrote in Umanità Nova in March 1920 “General strikes of protest no longer upset anyone…We put forward an idea: take-over of factories…the method certainly has a future, because it corresponds to the ultimate ends of the workers’ movement”.
Obviously, this militancy was going to provoke a reaction from the bosses. Bosses organizations denounced factory councils for encouraging “indiscipline” amongst workers and asked the government to intervene. The state backed the bosses, who began to enforce existing industrial regulations. The big showdown, however, was in April. When several shop stewards were sacked at Fiat, the workers staged a sit-in strike. The bosses responded with a lockout which the government supported by deploying troops and placing mounted machine gun posts outside the factory. After two weeks on strike, the workers decided to surrender. The employers then responded with the demands that the FIOM contract should be re-imposed along with managerial control. These demands were aimed at destroying the factory council system and the workers of Turin responded with a general strike in defense of it. Workers called on Marxist and socialist unions and parties to spread the strike, but they refused, and the anarcho-syndicalist groups were the only ones to act. In the end, control was given back to the bosses with the help of authoritarian socialist groups, and many of the main anarchist organizers were arrested.
Hungarian Revolution (1956)
The Hungarian Revolution of 1956 can be seen as an excellent example of a functioning anarchy. From October 22, 1956, Hungarian workers refused to obey their managers or their government, in the face of authoritarian Stalinist rule. Claiming sovereignty for their own workers' councils they organized economic, military and social production on an increasing scale. An example of the anarchic social organization was that vast sums of money were freely donated for injured revolutionary fighters, and that this money was left unattended in the street for days at a time. Peasants supplied the workers with food on a voluntary basis. Between October 22 and December 14 Hungary's economy and society was governed by the democratic opinion of workers councils and voluntary associations.
These councils constantly increased in scope and depth, eventually forming a Central Workers Council of Greater Budapest (CWC-GB), with intellectual and student associations affiliated to the body. The attempts to form a national Workers Council were crushed by Soviet military violence. The workers councils fought off one invasion by the Soviet Union between October 23 and 28, and fought a second invasion to an armistice of exhaustion between November 3 and November 10. After this time the Soviet Union negotiated directly with the Workers Councils. However, arrests of the primary and reserve leaderships of the CWC-GB, and massive reprisal executions and deportations of Hungarian revolutionaries lead to voluntary dissolution of the CWC-GB as it was no longer able to uphold its aims and ideals. Sporadic resistance by Hungarian revolutionaries and workers continued until mid 1957. Only one self-proclaimed anarchist, the playwright Julius Hay (Hay Gyula), was involved in organizing the revolution. Most revolutionary Hungarians adopted their own "anarchist" way of organizing spontaneously.
Situationist and Worker/Student Occupation Movement (May, 1968)
Following months of conflicts between students and authorities at the University of Paris at Nanterre, the administration shut down that university on May 2, 1968. Students at the University of the Sorbonne in Paris met on May 3 to protest the closure and the threatened expulsion of several students at Nanterre. Prominent student activist Daniel Cohn-Bendit rose to the limelight. Police were called in and finally prevailed, but only after arresting hundreds of students.
On Monday, May 6, the national student union and the union of university teachers called a march to protest the police invasion of the Sorbonne. More than 20,000 students, teachers and supporters marched towards the Sorbonne under red and black flags, still sealed off by the police, who charged, wielding their batons, as soon as the marchers approached. While the crowd dispersed, some began to create barricades out of whatever was at hand, while others threw paving stones, forcing the police to retreat for a time. The police then responded with tear gas and charged the crowd again. Hundreds more students were arrested.
High school students started to go out on strike in support of the students at the Sorbonne and Nanterre on May 6. Student Occupation collectives, general assemblies, and committees started to take over the Sorbonne, the teachers and whole system was attacked, and the church was looked upon with contempt. The use of vandalism and posters as a way of communication and propaganda became one of the main uses of distributing information during the revolt. General Assemblies at the Sorbonne were carried out every night, (generally, sometimes waiting for marches, etc), and students volunteered or elected various groups into action collectives that carried out various tasks. The people within the various groups had to be re-elected at various times and could be recalled. One of the most influential of the groups of students was the Enragers, who also worked directly with the Situationist International (SI), which was an autonomous Marxist group that had much of an organizational view like that of anarcho-syndicalism. Situationism rejected the state, and all hierarchical organization. It had an expanded vision of Marx's theories on the alienation created by capitalist society on workers and consumers. Although Situationists made up only a small amount of people involved with the revolt, their ideas and forms of organization would spotlight them as a critical group.
Soon, wildcat strikes took over many French factories in solidarity with the student strikers, and went against the wishes of the labor leaders, who were under Stalinist (Communist Party), control. Literally millions of workers were on strike, occupied their factories, and a social revolution began. Workers' councils were formed on factory floors (councils generally meaning large assemblies of all workers without a hierarchy), and began to make contacts and networks with the student assemblies. "Committee for the Maintenance of Occupations", (which included Enragers and Situationists), grew out of the student assemblies at the Sorbonne, and worked to carry out occupation of buildings, help with various workers strikes, and produced massive amounts of propaganda, most of it advocating for the creation and power of the workers councils and self-management. Goods and services were traded and shared, money began to disappear to some extent, and direct democracy, and the creation of councils of students and workers carried out decisions along with general assemblies which used to be done by the state and the authoritarian unions. Militant resistance to the police, capital, (including the periodic destruction of police cars and vans, and the sacking of a stock exchange building), drew thousands of workers and students together, and many of the battles lasted through the night. Large sections of French working society began to come under the influence of anti-authoritarian principles of mutual aid, self-management, and direct democracy. Nurses organized against bureaucratic doctors, soccer players kicked out their managers, and grave diggers occupied the cemeteries (for example). Large masses of people largely rejected a modern, commodity driven capitalist society in favor of something new.
Infighting and desire by authoritarian Marxist groups (i.e., Maoists, Stalinists, etc.) to control the student assemblies and groups destroyed much of the direct democracy at the university. The infighting and sectionalism was so bad that many of the anti-authoritarian groups left the university to go and work out of occupied government buildings. The Stalinist Union labor leaders also tried to get the solidarity between the students and the workers to end, calling the rioters and Situationists various names, and said that they were not to be trusted. They also tried to get the workers back into the factories and end the strike, partly to make sure that they could gain power in the upcoming elections, and also to regain control over the working class - as opposed to having the workers control and manage their own destiny. Although first having left the country, the French President returned late in May, met with Communist Party leaders, and basically challenged the strikers and students to a civil war if they refused to end the occupation and strikes. With not many of the workers prepared to engage in armed struggle against a very powerful state, and with the constant orders of the labor leaders, many of the strikers went back to work, and the occupied buildings were retaken.
Kwangju Uprising (May, 1980)
Events in Kwangju unfolded after the dictator of South Korea Park Chung-Hee was assassinated by his own chief of intelligence. In the euphoria after Park's demise, students led a huge movement for democracy, but General Chun Doo-hwan seized power and threatened violence if the protests continued. All over Korea, with the sole exception of Kwangju, people stayed indoors. With the approval of the United States, the new military government then released from the frontlines of the DMZ some of the most seasoned paratroopers to teach Kwangju a lesson (see Gwangju Massacre). Once these troops reached Kwangju, they terrorized the population in unimaginable ways. Soldiers beat students, killing many. Bodies were piled into trucks, where soldiers continued to beat and kick them. By night the paratroopers had set up camp at several universities.
As students fought back, soldiers used bayonets on them and arrested dozens more people, many of whom were stripped naked, raped and further brutalized. One soldier brandished his bayonet at captured students and screamed at them, "This is the bayonet I used to cut forty Viet Cong women's breasts [in Vietnam]!" Despite severe beatings and hundreds of arrests, students continually regrouped and tenaciously fought back. As the city mobilized the next day, people from all walks of life dwarfed the number of students among the protesters. [The May 18 Kwangju Democratic Uprising, p. 127] This spontaneous generation of a peoples' movement transcended traditional divisions between town and gown, one of the first indications of the generalization of the revolt.
People fought back with stones, bats, knives, pipes, iron bars and hammers against 18,000 riot police and over 3,000 paratroopers. Although many people were killed, the city refused to be quieted. On May 20, a newspaper called the Militants' Bulletin was published for the first time, providing accurate news " unlike the official (propaganda) media. At 5:50pm, a crowd of 5,000 surged over a police barricade. When the paratroopers drove them back, they re-assembled and sat-in on a road. They then selected representatives to try and further split the police from the army. In the evening, the march swelled to over 200,000 people in a city with a population then of 700,000. The massive crowd unified workers, farmers, students and people from all walks of life.
Cars were taken from the government, and were now being used by the people. In the heat of the moment, a structure evolved that was more democratic than previous administrations of the city. Assembling at Kwangju Park and Yu-tong Junction, combat cells and leadership formed. Machine guns were brought to bear on Province Hall (where the military had its command post). By 5:30pm, the army retreated; by 8:00pm the people controlled the city. Cheering echoed everywhere. Although their World War II weapons were far inferior to those of the army, people's bravery and sacrifices proved more powerful than the technical superiority of the army. The Free Commune lasted for six days. Daily citizens' assemblies gave voice to years-old frustration and deep aspirations of ordinary people. Local citizens' groups maintained order and created a new type of social administration - one of, by and for the people. Coincidentally, on May 27 " the same day that the Paris Commune was crushed over a hundred years earlier " the Kwangju Commune was overwhelmed by military force despite heroic resistance. Although brutally suppressed in 1980, for the next seven years the movement continued to struggle, and in 1987 a nationwide uprising was organized that finally won democratic electoral reform in South Korea.
Polish revolution/Solidarity 1980 to 1982
Famously initiated by Gdańsk Shipyard workers though the Solidarity independent trade union, this revolt against the Stalinist Polish government triggered large scale discussion both inside and outside "Solidarity" on various conceptions of "workers' self-government" i.e Workers councils and forms of industrial democracy. The old Communist party-controlled Conferences of Workers Self-Government (KSR) setup in 1958 were totally ineffectual to most of the workers. Large factories took the lead and a survey conducted by solidarity activists found that 95% of respondents in factories employing more than 1000 people were in favour of self-government and 68% of the whole sample wanted Solidarity to start building them at once. In March 1981 a "Network" of these initiatives was forming and by May the biggest enterprises in Poland (including the Gdansk and Warski shipyards) were represented through this movement. By July there were 3000 enterprises linked this way. The Network proposed - "Social ownership of the means of production should mean just that: ownership by society, not the state. In Lubin a similar network was organized. Within 2 years this movement had faded with the domination of the "national independence" issue (the freeing of Poland from Russian and Warsaw Pact interference) and the increasing power of nationalism and pro-capitalist factions within Solidarity.
References: "The Polish Revolution:Solidarity" by Timothy Garton Ash, (1999) ISBN 0-300-09568-6
Zapatista Autonomous Municipalities
The indigenous peoples of Southern Mexico rebelled in 1994, partially in response to the signing of NAFTA, reclaiming their lands in what is called "a war against oblivion." They established various municipalities which are, in practice, outside the realm of Mexican law.
Laws in the Zapatista Autonomous Municipalities are not passed by "leaders," as such, but by "Good Government Councils" and by the will of the people (representatives in these councils are truly representative of their communities, rather than professional politicians). This is very similar to the delegate structure that many anarchists engage in with spokescouncils, or with unions. In many communities, general assemblies gather during the week to decide on various things facing the community. The assemblies are open to all, with no formal hierarchy. The decisions made by the communities are then passed to elected delegates whose only job is to give the decided upon information to a council of delegates. Like anarcho-syndicalist organizations, the delegates are recallable, and are also rotated. This way, massive amounts of people are able to decide things with no formal hierarchy, and without people speaking for them.
The assemblies and councils serve not as traditional governing bodies but as instruments of the people to provide medicine, education, food, and other essentials. The "laws" passed by the Good Government Councils are not enforced with policemen and prisons, but in a way that respects "criminals" as members of the community. For example, it was decided to ban alcohol and drugs, due to their nefarious influence on Indians in the past. Violation of this law is surprisingly rare; those who do may be required, for example, to help build something their community needs. Some anarchists believe this to be a decentralized, non-authoritarian style similar to what they advocate, having always loathed prisons, police power, and capital punishment.
Like anarchists, Zapatistas also believe in forming freely associated collectives to carry out various jobs and tasks. Zapatistas collectively work land, and plant and grow crops. The Zapatistas do not claim to be anarchists, but through their actions and words, have shown some similarities to self-proclaimed anarchists and have become a cause célebre of the global left and the "anti-globalization movement". However, the Zapatistas, along with libertarian marxism and traditional Zapatismo (which is almost identical to anarchism), have also been heavily influenced by the writings and actions of Ricardo Flores Magón, or "Magonism", who was an anarcho-syndicalist during the Mexican Revolution.
Cascadia Free State 1996 (US)
In the mid-1990's, an arson fire near Warner Creek destroyed some sections of old growth forest in Oregon state, in the United States. The forest service responded by burning more of the forest, and selling it off as low price salvage. In response to this, Earth First!, (a network of collectives organized on anarchist principles and deep ecology), began organizing to stop the logging by road occupations. These occupations stopped the flow of logging and forest service workers in and out of the forest.
What first started out as a small group of protestors, grew to a large eco-village. In the following days the blockade grew and grew. Rock walls sprang up and deep trenches spanned the road in numerous places. Mainstream environmentalists, Earth First!ers, members of Congress, school children, people outside of the local community, and many others made the trip up to see the "Cascadia Free State". Several teams of people occupied the logging roads, with teams up in trees to do media and be watchouts, people ready to 'lock-down', (meaning to lock on to some sort of device that would hinder vehicles moving on the road), and a whole campsite constructed under a massive wooden structure.
Mutual aid was practiced, and the occupation was allowed to go on for over a year because of people from the surrounding community bringing food, blankets, and other items. Steady streams of people moved in and out of the camp, allowing people to spend various amounts of time blocking the road. "Warnerization" spread, and various other "free states" erupted on logging roads, and various groups occupied land to stop the logging of old growth eco-systems.
Eventually, with the resistance from the occupations, media campaigns, and also pressure from other groups, caused the government to make a deal with the logging company to stop the logging of Warner Creek. The free state was then destroyed by forest service workers, and activists arrested. Although the free state had been ended by force, the goal of its existence, to stop the logging of Warner Creek, was successful.
Argentina (2001 to present)
After the collapse of the Argentine economy, coupled with riots and finally the fall of the government in the last days of 2001, the social and economic organization of Argentina underwent major changes. Argentina was once a shining example of free market reforms and structural adjustment programs ("the IMF's best pupil"). However, after the economy crashed, the IMF responded by demanding that more social programs (health care, schools, etc) be cut, and more things be privatized. Massive popular rebellion erupted.
Out of the uprisings came many popular organs of self-management and direct democracy. Worker occupations of factories and popular assemblies have both been seen functioning in Argentina, and both are the kind of action endorsed by anarchists: the first is a case of direct action and the latter a case of direct democracy. Approximately 250+ "recovered" factories (fábricas recuperadas) are now self-managed and collectively owned by workers. Over 10,000 people are working in factories with little or no management or hierarchy. In the large majority of them, pay is completely egalitarian; generally no professional managers are employed, or managers are collectively controlled in the other cases. Decisions are made by all workers, in general assembly type structures. These co-operatives have organized themselves into networks. Solidarity and support from external groups, such as neighborhood assemblies and unemployed (piquetero) groups, have often been important for the survival of these factories. Unemployed workers elsewhere have also organized takeovers of plots of vacant land, and taken them back for housing and growing food.
In a survey by an Argentina newspaper in the capital, it was found that around 1/3 of the population had participated in general assemblies. The assemblies used to take place in street corners and public spaces, and generally gathered to discuss ways of helping each other in the face of eviction, or organizing around issues like health care, collective food buying, or conducting free food distribution programs. Some assemblies started to create new structures of health care and schooling, to replace the old ones that were not working. Neighborhood assemblies met once a week in a large assembly to discuss issues affecting the larger community.[2] In 2004, Avi Lewis and Naomi Klein (Author of No Logo) released the documentary The Take, about these events.
Popular assemblies have gradually died out as the economy began its recovery. However, activism has continued. The piqueteros and unemployed worker movements have become organized and often adopted a radical left-wing ideology. Some middle-class Argentinians, especially in Buenos Aires, now regard piqueteros as violent and disruptive, due to the continuous road blocks and massive demonstrations they stage in the capital.
Examples of projects and other movements with anarchist qualities
Los Horcones Community (1973 to present)
Los Horcones, in Mexico, is a behaviorist community.[3]
Freetown Christiania
Christiania was founded in 1971, when a group of hippie squatters took over an area of abandoned military barracks. One of the more influential people was Jacob Ludvigsen, who published an anarchist newspaper, which widely announced the proclamation of the free town. For years the legal status of the region was in limbo, as the Danish government attempted, without success, to remove the squatters. Later, a biker gang took control of the area for a period of time.
The neighborhood is accessible only through two main entrances, and cars are not allowed. Danish authorities have repeatedly removed the large stones blocking the entrance, which have been replaced each time by residents. The authorities claim that the area must be accessible for safety concerns, but the residents suspect that it will instead be used by the police.
The people in Christiania have developed their own set of rules, completely independent of the Danish government. These rules include:
No Cars
No Stealing
No Guns
No Bulletproof Vests
No Hard Drugs.
Famous for its main drag, known as Pusher Street, hash was sold openly f
I have always been against violence, but not at any cost. For a long time I banned guns from my household, and removed media showing violent content. My young children, while I observed, responded with more aggression even to violent cartoons, but not to Sesame Street.
A personal threat against me some years back, led me to a change of heart. I had to learn to defend myself with force if necessary. My (now older) kids were shocked when I qualified for handgun and concealed carry.
With the events of the past seven years particularly, with the perfect storm of global warming, peak oil, and economic meltdown headed straight for America, I realized that I might one day, with gray hair and wrinkles, have to pick up a weapon to defend my family and/or my basic rights. It is quite a revelation. But I could and would do it absolutely.
Sixty one and counting.
Reformers from Jesus Christ to Martin Luther King via Ghandi have demonstrated the power of non violent resistence - but presumably these lessons from history 'matter less' to Mr Greanville's call to arms. What the world most definitely does not need is another wide-eyed revolutionary standing at the back urging others onwards to their deaths fighting for the noble cause of replacing one set of dictators with another.
The success of the great non-vilent reformers was achieved by means of having an idea, or a dream, even, and then having the courage to lead from the front in showing how those ideas and dreams might be achieved.
We in the west are lucky. We are neither hugely oppressed (such as the Palestinians, for instance) nor facing mass starvation (such as those in the horn of Africa). Also we have the means of achieving reform through existing laws. What revolutionaries such as Mr Geanville are lacking is a good idea which the masses want to support. Come up with a good idea Mr Greanville, and give people the right to decide whether your idea is good or psychotic, and reform could be achieved without a shot being fired.
It's interesting that Churchill qualifies his argument by aiming it specifically at "the American left," by which he means American liberalism. I've only read excerpts of Churchill's writing, but does he ignore the long history of nonviolent anarchism, which stretches back to Tolstoy, and is today perhaps best represented by groups like the War Resister's League and Food Not Bombs (who are both anything but reformist liberals)?
Also, as an addendum, the argument for radical nonviolence that I'm familiar with is only an absolute moral ideal inasmuch as non-hierarchy is an absolute moral ideal for anarchists. The difference between the two is that those arguing for radical nonviolence see violence as the ultimate ill of humanity and not hierarchy or other forms of oppression, because it is violence, itself (whether physical or in spirit), that is the root cause of all forms of oppression. Therefore, to do away with violence is to do away with all forms of oppression and hierarchy. This is why many nonviolent activists cannot respect "a diversity of tactics" (when such a phrase usually means, "to include violent tactics") -- they see violent tactics as a form of oppression, and thus incompatible with (and contradictory to) the aim of combating hierarchy and oppression.